Dr. Cornelia Kleinitz
Profil
Forschungsthemen1
Musawwarat es Sufra
Quelle ↗Förderer: Sonstige internationale Geldgeber Zeitraum: 10/2016 - 09/2020 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Alexandra Verbovsek, Dr. Cornelia Kleinitz
Mögliche Industrie-Partner10
Stand: 26.4.2026, 19:48:44 (Top-K=20, Min-Cosine=0.4)
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- Zuwendung im Rahmen des Programms „exist – Existenzgründungen aus der Wissenschaft“ aus dem Bundeshaushalt, Einzelplan 09, Kapitel 02, Titel 68607, Haushaltsjahr 2026, sowie aus Mitteln des Europäischen Strukturfonds (hier Euro-päischer Sozialfonds Plus – ESF Plus) Förderperiode 2021-2027 – Kofinanzierung für das Vorhaben: „exist Women“
- 10 Treffer54.4%
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- 11 Treffer54.1%
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- EU: Transmitting Contentious Cultural Heritages With the Arts: From Intervention to Co-Production (TRACES)
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- 1 Treffer50.7%
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- 10 Treffer48.7%
- The Pathway to Inquiry Based Science TeachingP48.7%
- The Pathway to Inquiry Based Science Teaching
- 9 Treffer48.7%
- The Pathway to Inquiry Based Science TeachingP48.7%
- The Pathway to Inquiry Based Science Teaching
- 10 Treffer48.7%
- The Pathway to Inquiry Based Science TeachingP48.7%
- The Pathway to Inquiry Based Science Teaching
Publikationen25
Top 25 nach Zitationen — Quelle: OpenAlex (BAAI/bge-m3 embedded für Matching).
Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites · 38 Zitationen · DOI
During the construction of the Merowe Dam, one of the largest development projects recently completed on the African continent, more than a dozen national and international archaeological salvage missions were active at the Fourth Nile Cataract in northern Sudan. In this context, many of the archaeological missions on the ground found themselves at an impasse between the political and economic interests of different stakeholders. On the one side these included the developer, the investors, and contractors, who had largely ignored international policies regarding development projects, including guidelines on involuntary resettlement and the management of cultural resources. On the other side were the affected communities as well as human rights organizations, concerned with the humanitarian shortcomings of the dam project. The often conflicting agendas of these various stakeholders eventually led to the premature, forced termination of archaeological salvage work in large tracts of the planned reservoir area. Soon thereafter, in 2008, this was flooded not only without adequate archaeological coverage, but also before many of its inhabitants had left the region. This study documents a hitherto unique attempt by local communities, namely the Manasir ethnic group, to use the banning of archaeologists from their land as a political strategy against the developer, in order to improve the terms of compensation and resettlement. It investigates political and ethical dimensions of rescue archaeology in a context where the motivation and legitimacy of professional archaeology is questioned by the very people whose heritage it claims to preserve.
Archaeologies · 13 Zitationen · DOI
Excavation of a first century AD tomb in Heis (Somaliland): evincing long-distance trade contacts
20194 Zitationen
The fieldwork of the Spanish Archaeological Project in Heis is generously funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities and the Palarq Foundation.
4 Zitationen · DOI
Between the Cataracts. Part 2, vol. 1-2 kończy publikację akt 11. Międzynarodowego Kongresu Studiów Nubiologicznych, który odbył się w 2006 roku w Warszawie. Tom 1 ukazał się w 2008 roku i zawierał referaty wygłoszone przez 17 czołowych badaczy
3 Zitationen · DOI
Two things can be said about globalization with some certainty, and on which all commentators appear to agree. The rst of these is that globalization is ongoing, and in some parts of the world the processes of globalization are both eecting and aecting cultural, economic, and environmental change at such an accelerating rate that the term hyper-globalization is often used to describe these conditions. The second is that even in such contexts, not everything ‘goes to plan’. By this we mean that, while globalizing processes are recognizable because of certain shared commonalities, such as time-space compression, standardization, and de-territorialization, thereby making it possible to make a case for the identication of older episodes of globalization around the world (e.g. Jennings, this volume), neither the consequences of globalization nor local and regional responses to these processes are uniform. Such context-and historically specic reactions to, and accommodations of, globalizing processes are now commonly glossed in the scholarly and more popular literature as ‘glocalization’ (Robertson 1995; Roudometof 2016), and there is a growing body of scholarly literature on these kinds of dialectical and recursive relationships between universalizing and particularizing tendencies in a variety of settings, including Africa and China (e.g. Mensah 2006; Hahn 2008; Wu 2008; Nederveen Pieterse 2015).
Huddersfield Research Portal (University of Huddersfield) · 2 Zitationen
2 Zitationen
CAA 2012 · 2 Zitationen
Several thousand incised graffiti adorn the sandstone walls of the Great Enclosure at Musawwarat es Sufra (Sudan), a unique sacral building complex dating to the Meroitic period (c. 270BC-AD350) of the Kingdom of Kush. The often finely incised informal inscriptions and images – rare evidence of non-official art and ritual practice – are threatened by accelerated weathering and the negative side effects of increased tourism. Several past attempts at documenting the hitherto unpublished graffiti corpus have been hampered by limitations inherent in traditional photographic and other graphic recording techniques. In 2009 white light scanning was tested on some graffiti with good results, but its high cost and the loss of important colour information limited its application. In 2011 low-cost Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI), which captures surface details in different lighting conditions, was tested on a large sample of graffiti. RTI is based on traditional raking light photography, where multiple images are taken from a fixed camera position using a light source that is moved between exposures. Results of the recording exercise are extremely encouraging although the outdoor field conditions posed various challenges, such as the restriction of the ideal hemispherical movement of the light source (i.e. the flash) due to walls or the ground as well as the sheer impossibility to prevent camera movement due to strong gusts of wind. Nevertheless, several hundred graffiti were captured and processed during the past field season, contributing to the virtual preservation of the graffiti corpus. The processed RTI images can be viewed using open source viewer-software, which offers various visualisation tools. These display even finest graffiti detail that can be studied under different lighting conditions and surface rendering modes. It is planned to make the processed RTI images available for study via the open access Musawwarat Graffiti Archive.
Archaeologies · 1 Zitationen · DOI
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology · 1 Zitationen · DOI
Getting a Loan Whilst Receiving BenefitsA common question we’re asked here at Boutell is whether it’s possible to take out a loan whilst being on or receiving benefits and whilst there are many factors that our lending partners consider, the short answer is yes. Our loan application service is o
DIGITAL.CSIC (Spanish National Research Council (CSIC))
Archaeopress Publishing Ltd eBooks · DOI
Archaeologies · DOI
CAA 2012
The Musawwarat Graffiti Archive is an interactive open access research platform making accessible complex sets of visual and related data on thousands of ancient graffiti. These were incised into the walls of the so-called Great Enclosure, a unique, labyrinthine building complex forming the centre of Musawwarat es Sufra, once a major sacral centre of the Meroitic realm (c. 300BC-AD350) and today one of Sudan’s World Heritage sites. The graffiti, informal inscriptions and drawings, provide a rich source of information on one of Africa’s early states beyond official codified graphic and inscriptional programmes. The heart of the Musawwarat Graffiti Archive is a work-bench environment allowing the online publication of large image collections together with related extensive and varied data sets via an easily accessible web interface. A database front-end was developed for entering systematic graffiti-focused information as well as data on the exact spatial contexts in which the graffiti were created and used. All data is systematically linked to an extensive image collection - from overview photos and ground plans down to tracings and detail photos at the level of single building blocks and graffiti. All photos are presented using the digilib image viewer, allowing the user to zoom in and inspect images at the highest resolution even on low-bandwidth connections. All images can also be annotated and referenced for use in online publications. The web presentation of the archive, which targets scholars as well as the general public, dissolves the border between systematic access to the graffiti via database searches and the visual exploration of the Great Enclosure via hot-spots on overview images. The Musawwarat Graffiti Archive is meant to be continually extended both in breadth with more material and in depth with the integration of new types of media like RTI images, 3D models and GIS integration. We understand the Musawwarat Graffiti Archive with its continually growing network of space-related data sets as well as large collection of images as an online publication of archaeological data that would be impossible to affordably publish in traditional paper format. By bringing the archive online we encourage scientific sharing and collaboration regardless of users’ locations or means. Thus, we hope to contribute to bridging digital and knowledge divides while at the same time promoting and digitally preserving African cultural heritage.
Dialogues in stone : past and present engagements with rock art in sub-Saharan Mali, West Africa
2006OpenGrey (Institut de l'Information Scientifique et Technique)
Rock art remains a tangible part of landscapes for hundreds or thousands of years due to its fixation in space and its potential durability, making it especially valuable in understanding synchronic and diachronic processes of human symbolic engagement with their landscapes. The accretional nature of rock art at sites and in wider landscapes, embodying visible traces of meaningful past human (or ancestral or supernatural) action at specific places, has provoked reactions and response by successive populations. Many rock art sites show evidence of continuous and discontinuous use over considerable periods of time, and many, if not most rock art sites have undergone additions or modifications of pictographs and/or petroglyphs after an initial marking event. Rock art sites often appear to have been attributed significance by their successive users and may have been modified to suit changing perceptions and uses of these places and the wider landscapes. Rock art site- and landscapes are thus 'updated' and transformed during successive marking episodes. Over time they have evolved into palimpsests of 'past' and 'present' marks and marked places. Rock art making and use is, consequently, a dynamic process reflecting changing attitudes to and understandings of places and landscapes. Under these premises the present study introduces and discusses a regional sample of one of the least known bodies of rock art on the African continent, that of sub-Saharan Mali. Based on a substantial corpus of newly recorded rock art from the Baoule-Bakoye region of south-western Mali detailed descriptions of motifs in their site and landscape contexts are provided according to a consistent set of definitions and terms. The discussion of this rock art corpus focuses on the use of graphic symbolism and space at rock art sites in synchronic and diachronic perspectives, including issues of access and audiences, which hint at differences in social contexts of marking. The process of transforming or 'updating' of symbolic landscapes over time is followed in this study by discussing the 'life-histories' of rock art panels, sites and landscapes in the study region. 'Life-histories' of rock art sites comprise an initial marking event (which may have been triggered by a pre-existing importance attached to the particular locality) as well as often multiple subsequent marking events and episodes. The latter may include a variety of reactions to existing rock art, such as modifications of motifs, or the addition of new pictographs or petroglyphs to existing panels, sometimes in superimposition or juxtaposition to existing motifs. Such palimpsests thus inform about changing perceptions and uses of past markings and marked places in the past. Sub-Saharan Mali in addition provides a rare example of a contemporary rock art tradition, that of the Dogon people of the Bandiagara region in the centre of the country, which informs us not only about the social contexts of rock art making and use, but also illustrates interrelationships between symbolically marked places and the construction of personal and group identities. A case study of the Dogon circumcision rock shelter at Songo, where marking and re-marking takes place in a ritual context, follows the life- history of this site over the past century on the basis of a photographic documentation. Songo consequently provides a contemporary example of the dynamic nature and temporality of rock art making and use. It also shows how additions to and modifications of rock art sites in turn influence and transform human engagement with these localities over time. This thesis thus goes beyond the common stylistic approach to rock art in sub-Saharan West Africa, highlighting the dynamic nature of rock art making and use. It introduces contextual and in particular landscape approaches to the recording and study of rock art in sub-Saharan West Africa, while also considering almost a century of documentation and discussion of the rock art imagery. The thesis challenges current understandings of the character, age-range and the presumed social and cultural contexts of rock art in sub-Saharan Mali, and proposes new hypotheses as to the historical and archaeological contexts of this diverse rock art corpus in a diachronic perspective.
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology · DOI
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology · DOI
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology · DOI
Antiquity · DOI
Sub-Saharan West Africa has remained largely a blank space on the world rock-art map, in spite of a steady trickle of reports during the past century on pictograph and petroglyph sites in the West African sahel and savanna belts. It seems that the nature of the rock art reported, predominantly ‘geometric’ and saurian motifs, and ‘stick figures’, as well as its apparent recent age, formed little incentive for in-depth studies of rock art in this region. From sub-Saharan Mali, for example, only two sites have been published to a satisfactory standard (Huysecom 1990; Huysecom et al . 1996). The richness of the region in rock art, as indicated by several authors (e.g. Griaule 1938; Huysecom & Mayor 1991/92; Togola et al . 1995), has been confirmed by on-going research on rock art in the Boucle du Baoulé region (map, FIGURE 5) in the southwest of the country (Kleinitz 2000). In three field seasons, 14 known and 38 newly identified rock-shelters and open-air sites with pictographs and peboglyphs have been recorded.
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology · DOI
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology · DOI
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology · DOI
Getting a Loan Whilst Receiving BenefitsA common question we’re asked here at Boutell is whether it’s possible to take out a loan whilst being on or receiving benefits and whilst there are many factors that our lending partners consider, the short answer is yes. Our loan application service is o
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology · DOI
Could you give us a brief outline of your archaeological career?I think I decided I wanted to be an archaeologist when I was seven or eight years old, so I always knew what I wanted to do.It wasn't a very realistic thing to want to be, though, because I came from a fairly working-class background in Yorkshire, where not only were there no archaeologists in the family, but I don't think anyone had even heard of archaeology.But I still got interested in it, from watching the television or something, in the time of 'Animal, Vegetable and Mineral'.I moved to Coventry when I was about 15, and started excavating there with Brian Hobley, when he was at the Coventry Museum.So I had a couple of years digging in deep, soggy holes in Coventry in winter, so that assured that I had a vocation for it; if you could do that, you could do anything.I studied archaeology at Birmingham, where I did Ancient History and Archaeology, because my main interests were in the Mediterranean.While I was there I worked in the Mediterranean quite a bit, especially in Israel, but I also worked in North America, particularly excavating Native American sites in Canada.Then I started doing a Ph.D. in Bristol, on the Romano-British countryside, but I kept getting offered jobs, so I started digging on the M5 motorway.Then I did work for Rescue, in the early days when it had just begun, and there was a big drive to make people more aware of archaeology, so it was quite an interesting period.And having been told by my tutor at University that I'd be lucky to get a job by the time I was 30, I suddenly found that -this was in the early 70's -there was a sudden boom in employment prospects.I packed in doing the Ph.D., with the pious intention of finishing it later, and in fact after I'd worked for Rescue on the M5 motorway I got a permanent job to excavate sites in Abingdon.The organization working there became part of the Oxford Archaeological Unit, which started up in 1973.I stayed there, and eventually became the Director.Having moved from a major field unit to a branch of government, do you now feel much more distant from the trowel's edge?No, I don't think so, because I'd got fairly remote anyway when I left the Oxford Unit.We were employing something like 160-170 people, and had offices in France and in Ireland.I had tried to keep the calluses on my hands by running a project in the West Indies.It's one of the privileges of being the Director of a Unit -you get to pick your projects, so I picked one in the West Indies!But unfortunately, the volcano blew up and buried my site, so that came to an end.Actually, though, running a Unit is partly about administration and partly about marketing.All the time you're thinking about what's happening next.It's interesting because of the sheer amount of archaeology you do, but you don't get very closely involved in it.So coming here is not that different, actually -it's more of the same, but English Heritage generates more paper.
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology · DOI
Could you give us a brief outline of your archaeological career?I think I decided I wanted to be an archaeologist when I was seven or eight years old, so I always knew what I wanted to do.It wasn't a very realistic thing to want to be, though, because I came from a fairly working-class background in Yorkshire, where not only were there no archaeologists in the family, but I don't think anyone had even heard of archaeology.But I still got interested in it, from watching the television or something, in the time of 'Animal, Vegetable and Mineral'.I moved to Coventry when I was about 15, and started excavating there with Brian Hobley, when he was at the Coventry Museum.So I had a couple of years digging in deep, soggy holes in Coventry in winter, so that assured that I had a vocation for it; if you could do that, you could do anything.I studied archaeology at Birmingham, where I did Ancient History and Archaeology, because my main interests were in the Mediterranean.While I was there I worked in the Mediterranean quite a bit, especially in Israel, but I also worked in North America, particularly excavating Native American sites in Canada.Then I started doing a Ph.D. in Bristol, on the Romano-British countryside, but I kept getting offered jobs, so I started digging on the M5 motorway.Then I did work for Rescue, in the early days when it had just begun, and there was a big drive to make people more aware of archaeology, so it was quite an interesting period.And having been told by my tutor at University that I'd be lucky to get a job by the time I was 30, I suddenly found that -this was in the early 70's -there was a sudden boom in employment prospects.I packed in doing the Ph.D., with the pious intention of finishing it later, and in fact after I'd worked for Rescue on the M5 motorway I got a permanent job to excavate sites in Abingdon.The organization working there became part of the Oxford Archaeological Unit, which started up in 1973.I stayed there, and eventually became the Director.Having moved from a major field unit to a branch of government, do you now feel much more distant from the trowel's edge?No, I don't think so, because I'd got fairly remote anyway when I left the Oxford Unit.We were employing something like 160-170 people, and had offices in France and in Ireland.I had tried to keep the calluses on my hands by running a project in the West Indies.It's one of the privileges of being the Director of a Unit -you get to pick your projects, so I picked one in the West Indies!But unfortunately, the volcano blew up and buried my site, so that came to an end.Actually, though, running a Unit is partly about administration and partly about marketing.All the time you're thinking about what's happening next.It's interesting because of the sheer amount of archaeology you do, but you don't get very closely involved in it.So coming here is not that different, actually -it's more of the same, but English Heritage generates more paper.
Papers from the Institute of Archaeology · DOI
Could you give us a brief outline of your archaeological career?I think I decided I wanted to be an archaeologist when I was seven or eight years old, so I always knew what I wanted to do.It wasn't a very realistic thing to want to be, though, because I came from a fairly working-class background in Yorkshire, where not only were there no archaeologists in the family, but I don't think anyone had even heard of archaeology.But I still got interested in it, from watching the television or something, in the time of 'Animal, Vegetable and Mineral'.I moved to Coventry when I was about 15, and started excavating there with Brian Hobley, when he was at the Coventry Museum.So I had a couple of years digging in deep, soggy holes in Coventry in winter, so that assured that I had a vocation for it; if you could do that, you could do anything.I studied archaeology at Birmingham, where I did Ancient History and Archaeology, because my main interests were in the Mediterranean.While I was there I worked in the Mediterranean quite a bit, especially in Israel, but I also worked in North America, particularly excavating Native American sites in Canada.Then I started doing a Ph.D. in Bristol, on the Romano-British countryside, but I kept getting offered jobs, so I started digging on the M5 motorway.Then I did work for Rescue, in the early days when it had just begun, and there was a big drive to make people more aware of archaeology, so it was quite an interesting period.And having been told by my tutor at University that I'd be lucky to get a job by the time I was 30, I suddenly found that -this was in the early 70's -there was a sudden boom in employment prospects.I packed in doing the Ph.D., with the pious intention of finishing it later, and in fact after I'd worked for Rescue on the M5 motorway I got a permanent job to excavate sites in Abingdon.The organization working there became part of the Oxford Archaeological Unit, which started up in 1973.I stayed there, and eventually became the Director.Having moved from a major field unit to a branch of government, do you now feel much more distant from the trowel's edge?No, I don't think so, because I'd got fairly remote anyway when I left the Oxford Unit.We were employing something like 160-170 people, and had offices in France and in Ireland.I had tried to keep the calluses on my hands by running a project in the West Indies.It's one of the privileges of being the Director of a Unit -you get to pick your projects, so I picked one in the West Indies!But unfortunately, the volcano blew up and buried my site, so that came to an end.Actually, though, running a Unit is partly about administration and partly about marketing.All the time you're thinking about what's happening next.It's interesting because of the sheer amount of archaeology you do, but you don't get very closely involved in it.So coming here is not that different, actually -it's more of the same, but English Heritage generates more paper.
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Stammdaten
Identität, Organisation und Kontakt aus HU-FIS.
- Name
- Dr. Cornelia Kleinitz
- Titel
- Dr.
- Fakultät
- Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftliche Fakultät
- Institut
- Institut für Archäologie
- Arbeitsgruppe
- Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte Nordostafrikas: Materielle Kultur
- Telefon
- +49 30 2093-98108
- HU-FIS-Profil
- Quelle ↗
- Zuletzt gescrapt
- 26.4.2026, 01:07:24