Dr. Paolo Chiocchetti
Profil
Forschungsthemen1
The political economy of right-wing populism in Germany and the UK
Quelle ↗Förderer: Berlin University Alliance (BUA) Zeitraum: 02/2026 - 12/2026 Projektleitung: Dr. Paolo Chiocchetti
Mögliche Industrie-Partner10
Stand: 26.4.2026, 19:48:44 (Top-K=20, Min-Cosine=0.4)
- 30 Treffer60.1%
- EU: Observatory for Political Texts in European Democracies: A European Research Infrastructure (OPTED)P60.1%
- EU: Observatory for Political Texts in European Democracies: A European Research Infrastructure (OPTED)
- 7 Treffer56.2%
- REGIO - Eine Kartierung der Entstehung und des Erfolgs von Kooperationsbeziehungen in regionalen Forschungsverbünden und Innovationsclustern. Determinanten der Entstehung und des Erfolgs von Kooperationsbeziehungen in regionalen ForschungsverbündenP56.2%
- REGIO - Eine Kartierung der Entstehung und des Erfolgs von Kooperationsbeziehungen in regionalen Forschungsverbünden und Innovationsclustern. Determinanten der Entstehung und des Erfolgs von Kooperationsbeziehungen in regionalen Forschungsverbünden
NVIDIA GmbH
PT6 Treffer56.2%- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)P56.2%
- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)
- 6 Treffer56.2%
- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)P56.2%
- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)
- 12 Treffer56.2%
- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)P56.2%
- EU: Bottom-Up Generation of atomicalLy Precise syntheTIc 2D MATerials for High Performance in Energy and Electronic Applications – A Multi-Site Innovative Training Action (ULTIMATE)P49.5%
- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)
Centro de Investigacion Ecologica Y Aplicaciones Forestales Consorcio
P17 Treffer56.2%- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban FuturesP56.2%
- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban Futures
- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban FuturesP56.2%
- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban Futures
- 15 Treffer56.2%
- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban FuturesP56.2%
- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban Futures
- 9 Treffer54.5%
- EU: Scattering Amplitudes: From Geometry to EXperiment (SAGEX)P54.5%
- EU: Scattering Amplitudes: From Geometry to EXperiment (SAGEX)
- 6 Treffer54.4%
- EU: Disruptive Approaches to Atom-Light Interfaces (DAALI)P54.4%
- EU: Disruptive Approaches to Atom-Light Interfaces (DAALI)
Publikationen25
Top 25 nach Zitationen — Quelle: OpenAlex (BAAI/bge-m3 embedded für Matching).
25 Zitationen · DOI
This book provides an innovative analysis and interpretation of the overall trajectory of the Western European radical left from 1989 to 2015. After the collapse of really existing communism, this party family renewed itself and embarked on a recovery path, seeking to fill the vacuum of representation of disaffected working-class and welfarist constituencies created by the progressive neoliberalisation of European societies. The radical left thus emerged as a significant factor of contemporary political life but, despite some electoral gains and a few recent breakthroughs (SYRIZA in Greece, PODEMOS in Spain), it altogether failed to embody a credible alternative to neoliberalism and to pave the way for a turn to a different developmental model. This book investigates why this was the case, combining aggregate (17 countries), case study (Germany, Italy, and France), and comparative methods. It accurately charts the evolution of the nature, strength, cohesion, and influence of the Western European radical left, offering new insights in explaining its behaviour, success, and limits. It is essential reading for scholars, students, and activists interested in the radical left and in contemporary European politics.
West European Politics · 11 Zitationen · DOI
Published online: 30 January 2025
9 Zitationen · DOI
This chapter devotes to an analysis of the discourse of Jean-Luc Melenchon in the two presidential campaigns of 2012 and 2017, with the aim of contributing to answering the key questions: the newness of left-wing populism; its concrete content; its consequences on the radical left; and its democratic implications. The chapter discusses the relationship between populism and left-wing radicalism, putting forward an interpretation that sees them sharing a similar discursive structure except for the identification with the people, which may or may not overlap depending on the context. It provides an overview of the use of populist rhetoric in the history of the French radical left. The chapter carries out a quantitative and qualitative analysis of Melenchon’s discourse in the 2012 and 2017 campaigns, fleshing out the precise features of his use of populist rhetoric. It discusses the broader consequences of the ‘populist turn’ for the French radical left and French democracy.
A Quantitative Analysis of Legal Integration and Differentiation in the European Union, 1958–2020
2023JCMS Journal of Common Market Studies · 6 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract The article provides an innovative, comprehensive quantitative analysis of legal integration and differentiation in the European Union (EU) from 1958 to 2020. Building on a streamlined analytical framework and new or revised datasets on EU primary, EU secondary and EU‐related international law, it challenges or qualifies several aspects of the received wisdom on European integration. Specifically, it delivers the first‐ever quantitative estimate of integration in terms of integration opportunities, shows that differentiation is deployed in a reluctant and eclectic manner and offers clear measurements for the prevalence of various modes of temporal, spatial and policy differentiation. These methodological and empirical findings confirm the fruitfulness of the quantitative approach to the study of European integration and point to promising avenues for future research on international integration and comparative regionalism.
German Politics · 6 Zitationen · DOI
An appropriate quantitative measurement of party strength is an essential precondition to any further qualitative assessment of partisan influence. The existing literature offers a number of individual indicators but fails to integrate them into a coherent systematic framework. This article fills that gap by proposing a new multi-dimensional and multi-level framework model to operationalise and measure party strength. The soundness of the approach is tested on the case of the evolution of German parties between 1991 and 2013.
Open Repository and Bibliography (University of Luxembourg) · 3 Zitationen · DOI
The new EC reflection paper on globalisation sets new accents, but contains no major departure from current policy orientations. It takes a clear stand for free trade, while attacking "unfair competition" and arguing for a "balanced, rules-based and progressive trade and investment agenda". Despite its insistence on a managed globalisation and a fair redistribution of its benefits, its proposals are unlikely to allay domestic anxieties and external criticism.
SSRN Electronic Journal · 2 Zitationen · DOI
SSRN Electronic Journal · 1 Zitationen · DOI
Open Repository and Bibliography (University of Luxembourg) · 1 Zitationen · DOI
A political institution is legitimate when it succeeds in persuading people of the normative necessity of its existence. In a democratic system, this can be based both on various forms of popular consent (democratic legitimacy) and on other kinds of foundations (generic legitimacy). With reference to the European Union, debates have focused on empirical support for the EU, the nature of its "democratic deficit", and the potential conflict between European integration and national democratic sovereignty.
Research Portal (King's College London) · 1 Zitationen
Open Repository and Bibliography (University of Luxembourg) · 1 Zitationen
Revue française de civilisation britannique · DOI
This article explores the evolution of Euroscepticism within British public opinion before and after Brexit. First, it contextualizes recent trends in the longue durée of UK-EU relations, reconstructing a comparable time series of polling evidence on the strength of opposition to EU membership from 1955 to 2024. Second, it zooms in on the period between the 2019 and 2024 general elections, identifying the continuities and changes affecting mass attitudes toward Europe. The analysis shows that Eurosceptic voters emerged from Brexit victorious, weakened, but resilient. The underlying, latent divide over Europe continues to structure voting behaviour and undermine the stability of the political system in the United Kingdom.
Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftspolitik · DOI
Abstract On the one hand, Brexit has repatriated key competences from the EU to the UK, broadening the scope for political decisions which respond to national democratic preferences. On the other hand, it has highlighted traditional weaknesses of the British democracy, further concentrating powers in the hands of the British government and strengthening the role of the Prime Minister as the head of an “elective dictatorship” subject to few checks and balances. We explore these developments in light of constitutional law, political expert opinions, and mass surveys, showing that British democracy remains strong but is challenged by heightened popular expectations and widespread demands for reform.
Policy Press eBooks · DOI
The chapter surveys the current weakness and division of the British left on the basis of a descriptive analysis of the official results of the 2019 general election and of the survey data of the British Election Study. First, it finds that, while left-leaning parties and political attitudes tend to be supported by a majority of British voters, this support is weak on cultural issues and soft among centrist and moderate individuals. Second, it shows that the left’s position is undermined by deep and long-standing partisan, ideological, sociological and national divisions, leading to a structural electoral disadvantage against the smaller but more cohesive Conservative Party. Third, it demonstrates that, despite Corbyn and Brexit, measures of ideological and affective polarisation among the electorate did not significantly increase between 2015 and 2019. These findings help to explain Labour’s 2019 election defeat and subsequent strategic quandary.
Bristol University Press eBooks · DOI
Bristol University Press eBooks · DOI
Bristol University Press eBooks · DOI
In recent years, the British social and political landscape has been shaken by a series of major upheavals: the 2007–9 Great Recession and the resultant prolonged austerity and social polarisation, the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, the 2016 Brexit referendum and the COVID-19 pandemic. These events have had a great impact on the political system, leading to the long-term dominance of the Conservative Party (Bale, 2017, 2023; Cutts et al, 2020), increased political volatility and participation (Sloam and Henn, 2019; Fieldhouse et al, 2021), the takeover of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in Scotland (Johns and Mitchell, 2016), the realignment of voters and parties along Brexit-related identities (Clarke et al, 2017; Sobolewska and Ford, 2020), a temporary surge of Eurosceptic forces (Ford and Goodwin, 2014; Tournier-Sol, 2021), the rise and fall of Corbynism (Seymour, 2017; Batrouni, 2020; Pogrund and Maguire, 2020; Burton-Cartledge, 2021; Eagleton, 2022), and the withdrawal from the European Union (Fabbrini, 2017, 2020, 2021). Despite some important local successes, particularly in Scotland and Northern Ireland, the UK left has generally failed to benefit from these developments, ending up marginalised in Westminster, politically divided and weaker than ever among working-class communities.
Italy
2023Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks · DOI
This chapter offers a comprehensive overview of the evolution of the parties of the Italian radical left from 2000 to 2019. After a sketch of their historical roots and of the broader Italian social and political context, the chapter discusses in detail the recent organisational, electoral, strategic, and programmatic development of the Communist Refoundation Party (PRC)Communist Refoundation Party, Italy (PRC), the new Italian Communist PartyItalian Communist Party (PCI) (PCI), and Italian LeftItalian Left (SI) (SI), as well as that of other smaller organisations. The author shows that the Italian radical left, despite a promising beginning in the 1990s, failed to withstand the pressures of a challenging bipolar environment and progressively splintered into a myriad of rival and largely uninfluential groups. After the 2018 general election, its prospects remain uncertain.
The chapter provides a novel theoretical framework for the analysis of competitiveness, solidarity, and their relationship. A comprehensive analysis of the fortune, conceptual history, and meaning of the terms competitiveness and solidarity shows that, while the latter has different but complementary meanings, the former has three independent and contradictory faces: competition, relative performance, absolute performance. This fact has important repercussions on the relationship between competitiveness and solidarity, which can be conceptualised in a variety of different ways: as antagonistic, as mutually reinforcing, and even as coinciding. An awareness of this conceptual complexity is essential both for theoretical research and for empirical and policy-oriented analysis.
International Political Science Abstracts · DOI
Introduction
2018Two important aspects are insufficiently explored in the relevant scholarship. The first is the role played by the theories and discourses of competitiveness in the transformation of public policy-making, which is more often tackled from the point of view of economic and institutional constraints or of ideational change rooted in neo-liberal or thirdway ideas. The second is an explicit discussion of the variety of different, and often contradictory, ways in which the relationship between competitiveness and solidarity can be conceptualised in theory and embodied in practices. Competitiveness differentials between euro areas countries measured by current account balances, relative inflation rates, relative unit labour costs, or relative productivities obsessively dominated public discussion. European solidarity is routinely invoked in the discussion of existing European Union policies or of reform proposals in direct opposition to narrow national self-interest and egoism. The chapter also presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in this book.
Conclusion
2018This conclusion presents some closing thoughts on the key concepts discussed in the preceding chapters of this book. The book offers a pluralist and interdisciplinary exploration of the impact of competitiveness and solidarity on contemporary European societies and policy-making. It explores the most comprehensive analysis to date of the different ways in which competitiveness, solidarity, and their relationship can be theorised and applied to empirical research and policy-making. The book discusses the foundations of a systematic analysis of the empirical issues, showing that competitiveness and solidarity are often antagonistic, may sometimes be mutually reinforcing, and can in extreme cases be conceptualised as coinciding. It provides an indication of some promising avenues for future research on competitiveness and solidarity. Empirically, more quantitative and qualitative research on the actual constraints, returns, and externalities of policy designs based on ‘competitive solidarity’ is needed.
Open Repository and Bibliography (University of Luxembourg) · DOI
Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa (1940-2010) was an Italian Central banker, economist, and politician. He was one of the "architects of the euro" and helped to push forward the financial, monetary, and economic integration of Europe.
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Stammdaten
Identität, Organisation und Kontakt aus HU-FIS.
- Name
- Dr. Paolo Chiocchetti
- Titel
- Dr.
- Fakultät
- Zentralinstitut Großbritannien-Zentrum
- Institut
- Recht, Wirtschaft und Politik Großbritanniens
- Telefon
- +49 30 2093-99052
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- 26.4.2026, 01:03:35