Prof. Dr. Sarah Eaton
Profil
Forschungsthemen6
BCCN: Establishing a digital platform for China knowledge exchange - fostering teaching and research collaborations
Quelle ↗Förderer: Berlin University Alliance (BUA) Zeitraum: 07/2022 - 06/2023 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Sarah Eaton
De:link//Re:link: Lokale Perspektiven auf transregionale Ver- und Entkopplungsprozesse
Quelle ↗Förderer: Bundesministerium für Forschung, Technologie und Raumfahrt Zeitraum: 04/2021 - 06/2024 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Claudia Derichs
Interjurisdiktionaler Wettbewerb und Kooperation in China: Eine Analyse von Ursachen und politischen Maßnahmen auf der Kreisebene
Quelle ↗Förderer: DFG Sachbeihilfe Zeitraum: 02/2020 - 01/2023 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Sarah Eaton
Lokale Perspektiven auf transregionale Ver- und Entkopplungsprozesse am Beispiel von Chinas Belt-and-Road-Initiative (De:Link//Re:Link II)
Quelle ↗Förderer: Bundesministerium für Forschung, Technologie und Raumfahrt Zeitraum: 10/2024 - 09/2027 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Claudia Derichs, Sebastian Großmann
Power, Politics and Contestation in Global Technical Standard-Setting (TECHtonics)
Quelle ↗Förderer: Horizon Europe: ERC Consolidator Grant Zeitraum: 10/2024 - 09/2029 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Sarah Eaton
The emergence of the environmental state under authoritarianism: new models of socio-environmental bargaining and fringe area governance in Asia (China, Vietnam and beyond)
Quelle ↗Förderer: Öffentliche Förderorganisationen anderer Länder Zeitraum: 04/2020 - 07/2023 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Sarah Eaton
Mögliche Industrie-Partner10
Stand: 26.4.2026, 19:48:44 (Top-K=20, Min-Cosine=0.4)
- 7 Treffer56.4%
- Zuwendung im Rahmen des Programms „exist – Existenzgründungen aus der Wissenschaft“ aus dem Bundeshaushalt, Einzelplan 09, Kapitel 02, Titel 68607, Haushaltsjahr 2026, sowie aus Mitteln des Europäischen Strukturfonds (hier Euro-päischer Sozialfonds Plus – ESF Plus) Förderperiode 2021-2027 – Kofinanzierung für das Vorhaben: „exist Women“T56.4%
- Zuwendung im Rahmen des Programms „exist – Existenzgründungen aus der Wissenschaft“ aus dem Bundeshaushalt, Einzelplan 09, Kapitel 02, Titel 68607, Haushaltsjahr 2026, sowie aus Mitteln des Europäischen Strukturfonds (hier Euro-päischer Sozialfonds Plus – ESF Plus) Förderperiode 2021-2027 – Kofinanzierung für das Vorhaben: „exist Women“
- 8 Treffer54.7%
- EU: Observatory for Political Texts in European Democracies: A European Research Infrastructure (OPTED)T54.7%
- EU: Observatory for Political Texts in European Democracies: A European Research Infrastructure (OPTED)
Centro de Investigacion Ecologica Y Aplicaciones Forestales Consorcio
PT40 Treffer54.2%- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban FuturesP54.2%
- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban Futures
- 40 Treffer54.2%
- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban FuturesP54.2%
- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban Futures
- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban FuturesP54.2%
- EU: CLEARING HOUSE – Collaborative Learning in Research, Information-Sharing and Governance on How Urban Forest-Based Solutions Support Sino-European Urban Futures
- 5 Treffer51.7%
- Begleitforschung zum Berliner Schulversuch HybridunterrichtT51.7%
- Begleitforschung zum Berliner Schulversuch Hybridunterricht
- 6 Treffer51.0%
- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)T51.0%
- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)
NVIDIA GmbH
PT6 Treffer51.0%- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)T51.0%
- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)
- 7 Treffer51.0%
- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)T51.0%
- EU: Bottom-Up Generation of atomicalLy Precise syntheTIc 2D MATerials for High Performance in Energy and Electronic Applications – A Multi-Site Innovative Training Action (ULTIMATE)T48.5%
- EU: Simulation in Multiscale Physical and Biological Systems (STIMULATE)
- 40 Treffer50.9%
- „BiodivERsA-Verbundvorhaben: Grün-Blaue Infrastruktur für lokale Lösungen in komplexen sozioökologischen Systemen (ENABLE), Teilvorhaben: Fallstudienkontext und Co-design Workshops zur Identifizierung lokaler Policy- Lösungsansätze.“T50.9%
- Integrated Urban Food Policies – Developing Sustainability Co-Benefits, Spatial Linkages, Social Inclusion and Sectoral Connections To Transform Food Systems in City-Regions (FoodCLIC)T49.2%
- „BiodivERsA-Verbundvorhaben: Grün-Blaue Infrastruktur für lokale Lösungen in komplexen sozioökologischen Systemen (ENABLE), Teilvorhaben: Fallstudienkontext und Co-design Workshops zur Identifizierung lokaler Policy- Lösungsansätze.“
Publikationen25
Top 25 nach Zitationen — Quelle: OpenAlex (BAAI/bge-m3 embedded für Matching).
The China Quarterly · 364 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract China's national leaders see restructuring and diversification away from resource-based, energy intensive industries as central goals in the coming years. On the basis of extensive fieldwork in China between 2010 and 2012, we suggest that the high turnover of leading cadres at the local level may hinder state-led greening growth initiatives. Frequent cadre turnover is intended primarily to keep local Party secretaries and mayors on the move in order to promote the implementation of central directives. While rotation does seem to aid implementation by reducing coordination problems, there are also significant downsides to local leaders changing office every three to four years. Officials with short time horizons are likely to choose the path of least resistance in selecting quick, low-quality approaches to the implementation of environmental policies. We conclude that the perverse effects of local officials’ short time horizons give reason to doubt the more optimistic claims about the advantages of China's model of environmental authoritarianism.
The China Quarterly · 128 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract This article examines the so-called “central State Owned Enterprise (SOE) problem” in China's environmental governance system, namely central SOEs' defiance of environmental regulation. We present evidence showing that, in the last decade, central SOEs have been the source of a large number of serious pollution incidents and have often failed to comply with environmental guidelines and regulations. Central SOEs in the electricity generation and oil and gas industries are particularly culpable, with six firms alone accounting for 62 per cent of all 2,370 reported violations (2004–2016). We argue that a combination of “central protectionism” of state-owned national champions and insufficient regulatory capacity in the environmental bureaucracy have provided state firms under central management with both incentives and opportunities to shirk on environmental regulations. Yet, while the institutions of central protectionism are deeply rooted, countervailing forces within the complex Chinese state are also gaining momentum. In spite of the considerable regulatory challenges, officials in the environment bureaucracy display increasing resolve and ingenuity in trying to strengthen their enforcement capacity.
68 Zitationen · DOI
Since the global financial crisis of 2008–2009, central-level, state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in China have extended their reach into the Chinese economy. Some have interpreted this development as a turning point in Chinese economic development; a decision for state capitalism and a stand against slow but steady marketization. In The Advance of the State in Contemporary China, Sarah Eaton suggests that the shift is a much slower-moving process and that this particular aspect of state sector reform can be seen to predate the financial crisis. She argues that the 'advance of the State' has in fact developed incrementally from an eclectic set of ideas regarding the political and economic significance of large and profitable state-controlled enterprise groups. Drawing from case studies of China's telecommunication services and airline reforms, this fascinating new study offers illuminating insight into China's much-vaunted, but poorly understood, brand of state capitalism
The Pacific Review · 68 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract This paper asks: ‘is ASEAN powerful?’ The argument is made that there is a divide over this question between two broad groups of scholars who are referred to as ‘neo-realists’ (including realists) and ‘constructivists’. Focusing attention on this question is useful because it helps to bring into view three, not always explicit, points of argument between constructivists and neo-realists in their assessments of ASEAN. First, the two groups draw different empirically based conclusions about ASEAN's efficacy in East Asian affairs. Neo-realists are generally sceptical about the Association's role in the region because they view it, along with multilateral organizations more generally, as peripheral to great power politicking, what they see as the real stuff and substance of international affairs. A second, conceptual, point of argument is over understandings of power. For neo-realists, power is frequently used interchangeably with force and coercion. Scholars influenced by social constructivist ideas offer a challenge to this equation of power and dominance on the grounds that power is neither necessarily negative-sum nor limited to conflictual situations. Third, we suggest that closely related arguments are marshalled by both sides in debates over ASEAN's future role and organizational structure. Neo-realists argue that a shift to a more rules-based institutional form is in order, while constructivists place their emphasis on identity building.
Environmental Politics · 44 Zitationen · DOI
Tackling China’s grave environmental problems increasingly turns on questions of sub-national interjurisdictional relations. What are the conditions under which neighbouring localities cooperate in stewardship of the natural environment? What factors give rise to interjurisdictional conflict such as pollution spillovers? Through a combination of empirical and theoretical reflections, a research agenda to better understand these issues is outlined. First, China’s recent innovative approaches to the promotion of interjurisdictional cooperation are examined. An in-depth case study of interjurisdictional ecological protection ‘redline’ zones underscores the difficulties of inculcating environmental neighbourliness between local governments. Yet, a precise diagnosis of the problem remains elusive because too little is known about the underlying drivers of interjurisdictional relations in China. An analytical framework that draws insight from contemporary China studies and comparative environmental governance scholarship is offered for the study of interjurisdictional environmental relations in China.
SSRN Electronic Journal · 43 Zitationen
China’s national leaders see restructuring and diversification away from resource-based, energy intensive industries as central goals in the coming years. On the basis of extensive fieldwork in China between 2010 and 2012, we suggest that the high turnover of leading cadres at the local level may hinder state-led greening growth initiatives. Frequent cadre turnover is intended primarily to keep local Party secretaries and mayors on the move in order to promote implementation of central directives. While rotation does seem to aid implementation by reducing coordination problems, there are also significant downsides to local leaders’ changing office every three to four years. Officials with short time horizons are likely to choose the path of least resistance in selecting quick, low quality approaches to the implementation of environmental policies. We conclude that the perverse effects of local officials’ short time horizons give reason to doubt the more optimistic claims about the advantages of China’s model of environmental authoritarianism.
Crisis and the Consolidation of International Accounting Standards: Enron, The IASB, and America
2005Business and Politics · 41 Zitationen · DOI
This paper examines the interplay between leading international and American accounting authorities over the span of a critical four-year period, 2001–2005. Historically, US regulators and private-sector accounting institutions have taken a cautious approach to International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRSs), citing the superior rigor and overall quality of their own Generally Accepted Accounting Principles (GAAP). During the past four years, however, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) have each become markedly receptive to the International Accounting Standards Board's (IASB) efforts to harmonize accounting standards worldwide based on IFRSs. Why? This paper offers an explanation that highlights the role of the high-profile American corporate scandals (2001–2002) in precipitating a shift in US accounting authorities' views of the optimal form of accounting rules, an issue that has stood in the way of trans-Atlantic accounting standard convergence. Prior to the accounting scandals, the highly-detailed rules that are characteristic of US GAAP were widely seen to be the most effective form of accounting rule. Since 2002, a normative shift has taken place such that the SEC now endorses objectives-oriented rules that are conceptually aligned with the principles-based standards promulgated by the IASB. The analysis is framed by insights from contemporary International Relations theory which emphasize the influence of scope conditions on patterns of governance.
The China Quarterly · 35 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract To what extent has governance of China's state-owned economy changed under Xi Jinping? Against the background of momentous shifts in the political arena since 2012, some observe a decisive departure in Xi's approach to managing state-owned enterprises (SOEs): towards tight centralized control by the Chinese Communist Party and away from gradual marketization. Analysing the main aims and methods of SOE governance over the last two decades, we find that SOE policy under Xi exhibits a deepening of pre-existing trends rather than a departure. First, the essential vision of SOE functions articulated under Xi is strikingly consistent with that of his predecessors. Second, his administration's approach to governing SOEs is not novel; it relies on established mechanisms of bureaucratic design, the cadre management system, Party organizations and campaigns. While Xi has amplified Party-centred tools of command and control, this appears to be an incremental rather than a radical shift in approach.
Cambridge University Press eBooks · 34 Zitationen · DOI
Since the global financial crisis of 2008–9, central-level, state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in China have extended their reach into the Chinese economy. Some have interpreted this development as a turning point in Chinese economic development; a decision for state capitalism and a stand against slow but steady marketization. In The Advance of the State in Contemporary China, Sarah Eaton suggests that the shift is a much slower-moving process and that this particular aspect of state sector reform can be seen to predate the financial crisis. She argues that the 'advance of the State' has in fact developed incrementally from an eclectic set of ideas regarding the political and economic significance of large and profitable state-controlled enterprise groups. Drawing from case studies of China's telecommunication services and airline reforms, this fascinating new study offers illuminating insight into China's much-vaunted, but poorly understood, brand of state capitalism.
The China Journal · 32 Zitationen · DOI
This article traces the circuitous route of China's airlines industry into the ranks of China's strategic sectors. Although the airlines industry now belongs to a small group of industries characterized by oligopoly among state-owned enterprises, its initial reform pathway in the post-Mao era hinted at a different future. In the early years of the reform period, a decentralist approach to developing the industry laid the groundwork for an open market structure with a comparatively low degree of state intervention. Why was this trajectory of gradual state retreat abruptly reversed in 1997? In that year, regulators began a bold retrenchment leading finally to an administrative restructuring of the industry around the “Big Three” state-owned carriers. This article argues that this policy reversal was shaped by the state's increasing emphasis on developing a team of state-controlled national champions.
The China Quarterly · 27 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract Autocrats typically seek public support on the basis of economic growth-promotion and redistribution policies, and China is no exception. As important as these factors are for authoritarian resilience, we argue that economic legitimation is a more complex phenomenon than has previously been acknowledged. Beyond improvements in material well-being, citizens form judgements about the state's effectiveness in carrying out a variety of economic roles beyond growth promotion and they also care about the fairness of these market interventions. In this study, we use original survey data collected in late 2015 and early 2016 to evaluate Chinese citizens’ perceptions of two economic roles of the state that have been hotly debated in recent years: state ownership and market regulation. We find that while citizens view the ideas of state ownership and interventionist regulation in a generally positive light, suggesting a broad level of agreement in Chinese society about what economic functions the state ought to perform, perceptions of how the state actually carries out these roles are more mixed. Our results show that the urban young are especially inclined to critical evaluations, raising the question of how the Chinese Communist Party's legitimation strategy will fare under conditions of inter-generational value change.
Palgrave Macmillan US eBooks · 27 Zitationen · DOI
China's national leaders see restructuring and diversification away from resourcebased, energy intensive industries as central goals in the coming years. This paper argues that the high turnover of leading cadres at the local level may hinder state-led greening growth initiatives. Frequent cadre turnover is intended to keep local Party secretaries and mayors on the move in order to curb localism and promote compliance with central directives. Yet, with average term lengths of between three and four years, local leaders' short time horizons can have the perverse effect of discouraging them from taking on comprehensive restructuring, a costly, complex and lengthy process. On the basis of extensive fieldwork in Shanxi province during 2010 and 2011, the paper highlights the salience of frequent leadership turnover for China's green growth ambitions.
Review of International Political Economy · 23 Zitationen · DOI
ABSTRACT The paper provides an explanation for a puzzling aspect of China's nascent sovereign wealth system, namely the ever-more obvious competition between China's officially designated sovereign wealth fund (SWF), the China Investment Corporation (CIC), and the foreign exchange reserve management agency, the State Administration of Foreign Exchange (SAFE). We outline an analytical framework which illuminates the various pathways by which state leaders seek to address a principal–agent problem common to all sovereign wealth funds. We suggest that state leaders select corporate governance regimes that mesh with what we call the state's ‘governance endowments’. We then substantiate the claim that China's particular governance endowments have led China's leaders to embrace a corporate governance model premised on competition among the state's sovereign wealth investors. We trace the intense bureaucratic conflicts that shaped the creation of CIC and then show how SAFE was subsequently drawn into competition with CIC in the area of high risk, high yield investment. Although China's SWF tournament emerged as a quite unintended consequence of bureaucratic politics, China's leadership has since tacitly endorsed this rivalry because it has supplied the government with valuable carrot and stick mechanisms with which to discipline fund managers.
Diffusion of Practice: The Curious Case of the Sino-German Technical Standardisation Partnership
2021New Political Economy · 21 Zitationen · DOI
At a time of deepening divisions between China and Global North countries, Germany and China are swimming against the tide by cooperating closely in the highly sensitive area of high-tech standardisation. Based on interviews with participants and close observers of this partnership, we argue that a diffusion of practice logic underpins China’s partnership with Germany. Despite the competitiveness of China’s high-tech sectors, this latecomer faces both formal and informal barriers to entry in global standardisation processes. By partnering with Germany, one of the globe’s leading standards powers, China hopes to both cultivate a powerful ally in an increasingly contentious arena and master the subtleties of standardisation practice by working closely with an insider. For their part, German participants view the diffusion of standardisation know-how as consistent with their interests as a status quo standards power and vital to supporting German industry in China.
SSRN Electronic Journal · 12 Zitationen · DOI
Regional Studies · 11 Zitationen · DOI
Why are China’s notoriously competitive local governments increasingly cooperating with each other? Combining interjurisdictional cooperation data from 820 counties and fieldwork in 24 localities, we argue that the increasing trend of inter-county cooperation is the newest manifestation of China’s state-rescaling initiative. It is the combined result of the state’s devolution of governance responsibilities and competitive-minded local cadres’ interests in benefits associated with scaling up. The study contributes to understanding how counties’ growing interdependence intersects with the regime’s survival logic in the unfolding reconfiguration of China’s counties.
Journal of Environmental Policy & Planning · 10 Zitationen · DOI
A growing body of research highlights the decisive role that justice claims play in creating sustainable payment for ecosystem services (PES) programs. Employing Sikor et al.’s approach to the study of justice claims in ecosystem governance along three dimensions—distribution, procedure and recognition—we study the negotiation process behind China’s flagship interprovincial PES agreement: the Xin’anjiang River eco-compensation agreement between Huangshan (Anhui province) and Hangzhou (Zhejiang province) prefectures. We find that divergent claims between stakeholders on matters of distributive and procedural justice undercut one party’s commitment to the agreement. Local officials in the upstream locality (Huangshan) see themselves as having been disadvantaged in both procedural and distributive aspects of negotiation. They claim to have been insufficiently included in a bargaining process that involved not only the downstream locality (Hangzhou) but also the central government. Huangshan stakeholders also see themselves as largely excluded from the benefits of cleaner water and bearing too much of the pollution abatement cost. For their part, Hangzhou stakeholders have advanced a ‘polluters pay’ view of distributive justice and found partial support for this claim from Beijing. Our findings suggest that attending to environmental justice considerations should be given top priority in China’s design of PES schemes.
New Political Economy · 7 Zitationen · DOI
How do developmentalist ideas emerge, and how are they transmitted and adopted? This special section explores the transnational circulation of developmentalist ideas, policies, and practices through mainland China. Taking the International Relations diffusion paradigm as our starting point, we critically engage with common conceptions of diffusion as a one-way process either within the Global North or from Global North to South. We call for both taking multidirectional flows of ideas and norms seriously and also attending to agency exercised both on the supplying and demanding sides of diffusion processes. By setting our sights on diffusion dynamics to and from a powerful non-Western state (China), our project joins recent research illuminating the role of nation-states beyond the trans-Atlantic domain as active agents and participants, rather than passive recipients, in the creation of global economic norms, policies and practices.
The Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies · 7 Zitationen · DOI
This article illuminates the ideational foundations of China's 'large enterprise strategy', an early experiment in China's efforts to employ industrial policy to cultivate a group of state-controlled business groups. Based on archival research, the author argues that Chinese policymakers believed the development of state-owned large enterprises would bring several kinds of benefits, both economic and political. Drawing eclectically from Marxian economics and the history of capitalist development in East Asia, they argued that large enterprises could serve as both engines of domestic development and as safeguards and vanguards in the context of China's re-entry to the global marketplace. These enterprise groups were also seen as key elements in a market-conforming model of state control that senior officials began to envision and plan for as early as the late 1980s. The archival documents also shed light on internal debate in the 1980s and 1990s about the pros and cons of promoting monopolies, the substance of which anticipates much of the current heated discussion about China's 'monopoly industries' (longduan hangye垄断行业).
China Information · 5 Zitationen · DOI
In the context of intensifying geopolitical rivalry, China’s transition from rule-taker to rule-maker in technical standard-setting has generated deep contention with established stakeholders in the Global North. This article analyses how China, as a latecomer to global technical standardization, has navigated this increasingly contested arena of global economic governance. Building on the ‘practice turn’ literature in International Relations and a conceptualization of standard-setting processes as shaped by ‘communities of practice’, this article argues that ‘practice diffusion’ is of crucial significance for China’s rising standards power. Just as it sees mastery of global standardization practice as a key dimension of increasing its influence in established standards developing organizations, China has also begun to diffuse its standardization practice abroad in the effort to lay the foundations of a China-centric standardization regime. The article develops this argument by identifying four specific mechanisms of practice diffusion – learning the basics, learning to lead, learning within the region, learning to build – and by illustrating the role that each has played in Chinese stakeholders’ evolving engagement in global technical standard-setting.
Government and Opposition · 4 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract While comparative research on gender and politics has produced a sizable literature on the appointment of women to cabinet positions in democracies, we know surprisingly little about appointment practices in authoritarian contexts at subnational levels. We address this gap with the resumés of 3,681 political appointees in subnational China (2003–2020). Our analysis reveals that subnational Chinese politics meets most of the criteria scholars put forward as being indicative of gendered institutions: (1) women and men's career patterns are different; (2) women are assigned to more feminine posts, while masculine posts provide more promotion opportunities; and (3) regarding backgrounds, women are younger, better educated and more likely to be ethnic minorities as a result of the implementation of tandem quotas. The findings advance the literature on gender and politics, showing that gender's effect on appointment transcends regime types and the dichotomy of national/subnational politics.
4 Zitationen
This piece contains the findings of a survey conducted to evaluate the impact of the New York Task Force On Women in the Court's Report in the area of domestic violence and of the progress that has taken place since the Report's publication. The authors hope to provide insight not only into the next steps that should be taken in New York City, but also into the most effective methods of implementing change to combat bias against women in the courtroom. The authors conclude that although progress has been made in the area of combating bias against women in the courtroom, especially in domestic violence cases, the original issues of bias identified by the Task Force are still very prevalent and must be attacked with educational programs for court employees, judges, practitioners and police.
Provinces in Command: Changes in Prefectural Appointments from Hu Jintao to Xi Jinping (2003-2020)
2023Journal of Contemporary China · 3 Zitationen · DOI
China’s ‘Xi-Li era’ is said to be defined by both the concentration of power in the center and the strengthening of Party authority. In this paper, we ask whether these trends have been evident in local appointment practices since Xi Jinping took office in 2013. By comparing the career histories of 3,682 prefectural mayors and Party Secretaries under the Hu-Wen and Xi-Li administrations, we find that while appointment practices have shifted, the observed changes are not wholly consistent with the center- and Party-strengthening narratives. First, developments in the Xi-Li era suggest that while provincial authorities are increasingly using prefectural appointments for their own ends, the center remains high and far away in these decisions. Second, we do not find evidence that cadres with a strong Party background have a particular advantage in the Xi period. Instead, cadres with strong track records in key functional xitong, particularly those with an economic profile, are still the most likely to attain leadership positions. These findings contribute to the current debate on the nature of power reconfigurations unfolding in Xi’s China.
TSpace (University of Toronto) · 3 Zitationen
The thesis explores puzzling change in Chinese state sector over the past two decades. China’s debt-ridden state-owned enterprises (SOEs) were long seen as the most thorny reform dilemma; however, in the past decade, the surging profitability of large SOEs in the so-called “monopoly sectors” (longduan hangye 垄断行业) have made them lynchpins of an emerging state capitalist system. The main argument is that the state sector’s apparent reversal of fortunes is, in large measure, a legacy of the brief period of neoconservative rule (1989-1992) following the Tiananmen uprising in spring 1989. The fleeting ascendance of Chen Yun’s neoconservative faction provided them the opportunity to redirect the reform course set by Deng Xiaoping and embed a market vision which saw SOEs as pillars of the economy. The neoconservative leadership laid the normative and institutional foundations of a robust SOE-directed industrial policy regime which has gained momentum through the 1990s and into the last decade. \nThe study also sheds lights on the political and economic drivers of China’s unfolding market order through analysis of the industry foundations of China’s emerging state capitalist system. In recent years, state ownership has concentrated in some industries and largely retreated from others. What is driving this process of what Pei (2006) terms the “selective withdrawal” of the state from the economy? To address this question, the nature of ownership change across Chinese industry in recent years is first analyzed. Focus then shifts to comparative analysis of the reform pathway of two industries in which state ownership remains dominant: telecommunications and airlines. Combining insights from the partial reform equilibrium model and historical institutionalism, the study argues that both the particularist interests of “short-term winners” in industry and the neoconservative policy legacy have left an imprint on the process of selective withdrawal.
Oxford University Press eBooks · 2 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract This chapter offers a critical review of the environmental authoritarianism (EA) literature. The history of this contested concept is first reviewed before a turn to ongoing debate over whether autocrats are better environmental stewards than leaders in democracies. The argument is made that the study of EA lacks firm theoretical foundations and could benefit from closer engagement with the growing literature on authoritarian survival. Using case study analysis, the chapter then highlights the potential that a focus on authoritarian survival strategies—co-optation, legitimization, and repression—has for better understanding the varieties of environmental authoritarianism. The chapter concludes with a discussion of key variables such as state capacity, level of corruption, leadership, and national wealth that shape autocrats’ ability to make use of these strategies in the environmental domain.
Kooperationen8
Bestätigte Forscher↔Partner-Paare aus HU-FIS — Gold-Standard-Positive für das Matching.
Lokale Perspektiven auf transregionale Ver- und Entkopplungsprozesse am Beispiel von Chinas Belt-and-Road-Initiative (De:Link//Re:Link II)
research_institute
The emergence of the environmental state under authoritarianism: new models of socio-environmental bargaining and fringe area governance in Asia (China, Vietnam and beyond)
university
BCCN: Establishing a digital platform for China knowledge exchange - fostering teaching and research collaborations
university
Lokale Perspektiven auf transregionale Ver- und Entkopplungsprozesse am Beispiel von Chinas Belt-and-Road-Initiative (De:Link//Re:Link II)
other
The emergence of the environmental state under authoritarianism: new models of socio-environmental bargaining and fringe area governance in Asia (China, Vietnam and beyond)
university
The emergence of the environmental state under authoritarianism: new models of socio-environmental bargaining and fringe area governance in Asia (China, Vietnam and beyond)
university
Vietnam National University of Agriculture
The emergence of the environmental state under authoritarianism: new models of socio-environmental bargaining and fringe area governance in Asia (China, Vietnam and beyond)
university
Lokale Perspektiven auf transregionale Ver- und Entkopplungsprozesse am Beispiel von Chinas Belt-and-Road-Initiative (De:Link//Re:Link II)
other
Stammdaten
Identität, Organisation und Kontakt aus HU-FIS.
- Name
- Prof. Dr. Sarah Eaton
- Titel
- Prof. Dr.
- Fakultät
- Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftliche Fakultät
- Institut
- Institut für Asien- und Afrikawissenschaften
- Arbeitsgruppe
- Transregionale Chinastudien
- Telefon
- +49 30 2093-66123
- HU-FIS-Profil
- Quelle ↗
- Zuletzt gescrapt
- 26.4.2026, 01:04:07