Prof. Dr. Hanna Schwander
Profil
Forschungsthemen3
GRK 2458: Die Dynamiken von Demographie, demokratischen Prozessen und Public Policies (DYNAMICS)
Quelle ↗Förderer: DFG Graduiertenkolleg Zeitraum: 09/2019 - 08/2028 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Heike Klüver
Social Cohesion and Civil Society. Interaction Dynamics in Times of Disruption
Quelle ↗Förderer: Berlin University Alliance (BUA) Zeitraum: 10/2020 - 12/2025 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Jule Specht, Prof. Dr. Denis Gerstorf, Prof. Dr. Hanna Schwander, Prof. Dr. Ursula Hess, Prof. Dr. sc. nat. Verena Hafner
Sozialpolitische Dimensionen der Klimaanpassung
Quelle ↗Förderer: Bundesministerium für Arbeit und Soziales Zeitraum: 07/2026 - 12/2030 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Hanna Schwander
Mögliche Industrie-Partner10
Stand: 26.4.2026, 19:48:44 (Top-K=20, Min-Cosine=0.4)
- 27 Treffer59.4%
- SKILLAB: Monitoring The Demand And Supply Of Skills In The European Labour MarketP59.4%
- SKILLAB: Monitoring The Demand And Supply Of Skills In The European Labour Market
- 28 Treffer59.4%
- SKILLAB: Monitoring The Demand And Supply Of Skills In The European Labour MarketP59.4%
- SKILLAB: Monitoring The Demand And Supply Of Skills In The European Labour Market
- 28 Treffer59.4%
- SKILLAB: Monitoring The Demand And Supply Of Skills In The European Labour MarketP59.4%
- SKILLAB: Monitoring The Demand And Supply Of Skills In The European Labour Market
- 27 Treffer59.4%
- SKILLAB: Monitoring The Demand And Supply Of Skills In The European Labour MarketP59.4%
- SKILLAB: Monitoring The Demand And Supply Of Skills In The European Labour Market
- 6 Treffer58.4%
- Zuwendung im Rahmen des Programms „exist – Existenzgründungen aus der Wissenschaft“ aus dem Bundeshaushalt, Einzelplan 09, Kapitel 02, Titel 68607, Haushaltsjahr 2026, sowie aus Mitteln des Europäischen Strukturfonds (hier Euro-päischer Sozialfonds Plus – ESF Plus) Förderperiode 2021-2027 – Kofinanzierung für das Vorhaben: „exist Women“T58.4%
- Zuwendung im Rahmen des Programms „exist – Existenzgründungen aus der Wissenschaft“ aus dem Bundeshaushalt, Einzelplan 09, Kapitel 02, Titel 68607, Haushaltsjahr 2026, sowie aus Mitteln des Europäischen Strukturfonds (hier Euro-päischer Sozialfonds Plus – ESF Plus) Förderperiode 2021-2027 – Kofinanzierung für das Vorhaben: „exist Women“
- 30 Treffer55.6%
- EU: Observatory for Political Texts in European Democracies: A European Research Infrastructure (OPTED)P55.6%
- EU: Observatory for Political Texts in European Democracies: A European Research Infrastructure (OPTED)
- 3 Treffer54.3%
- EU: Monomer Sequence Control in Polymers: Toward Next-Generation Precision Materials (EURO-SEQUENCES)P54.3%
- EU: Monomer Sequence Control in Polymers: Toward Next-Generation Precision Materials (EURO-SEQUENCES)
- 3 Treffer54.3%
- EU: Monomer Sequence Control in Polymers: Toward Next-Generation Precision Materials (EURO-SEQUENCES)P54.3%
- EU: Monomer Sequence Control in Polymers: Toward Next-Generation Precision Materials (EURO-SEQUENCES)
- 7 Treffer54.0%
- SED-Unrecht. Landschaften der Verfolgung. Forschungsverbund zur Erfassung und Analyse der politischen Repression in SBZ und DDRP54.0%
- SED-Unrecht. Landschaften der Verfolgung. Forschungsverbund zur Erfassung und Analyse der politischen Repression in SBZ und DDR
- 7 Treffer54.0%
- SED-Unrecht. Landschaften der Verfolgung. Forschungsverbund zur Erfassung und Analyse der politischen Repression in SBZ und DDRP54.0%
- SED-Unrecht. Landschaften der Verfolgung. Forschungsverbund zur Erfassung und Analyse der politischen Repression in SBZ und DDR
Publikationen25
Top 25 nach Zitationen — Quelle: OpenAlex (BAAI/bge-m3 embedded für Matching).
Journal of European Social Policy · 246 Zitationen · DOI
With the post-industrialization and flexibilization of European labour markets, research on social and economic correlates of labour market vulnerability and weak labour market attachment is growing. Part of this literature conceptualizes these correlates in terms of dualization and insider–outsider divides in an attempt to explore their political implications: this article is written in order to contribute to this strand of research. In this article, we propose a conceptualization and measurement of labour market insiders and outsiders, based on their respective risk of being atypically employed or unemployed. We propose both a dichotomous measure of insiders/outsiders and a continuous measure of the degree of an individual’s ‘outsiderness’. We argue that such risk-based measures are particularly suited for research on the policy preferences and political implications of insider–outsider divides. On the basis of EU-SILC and national household panel data, we provide a map of dualization across different countries and welfare regimes. We then explore the correlates of labour market vulnerability – that is, outsiderness – by relating it to indicators of income and upward job mobility, as well as labour market policy preferences. The results consistently confirm an impact of labour market vulnerability, indicating a potential for a politicization of the insider/outsider conflict.
Socio-Economic Review · 193 Zitationen · DOI
Recent research has established that employment risk shapes social policy preferences. However, risk is often conceptualized as an alternative measure of the socio-economic status. We show that employment risk and socio-economic status are distinct, crosscutting determinants of social policy preferences. More specifically, we analyze the policy preferences of high-skilled labor market outsiders as a cross-pressured group. We first establish that labor market vulnerability has spread well into the more highly educated segments of the population. We then show that the effect of labor market vulnerability on social policy preferences even increases with higher educational attainment. We conclude that that labor market risk and educational status are not interchangeable and that the high skilled are particularly sensitive to the experience of labor market risk. Thereby, our findings point to a potential cross-class alliance between more highly and lower skilled vulnerable individuals in support of a redistributive and activating welfare state. Thus, they have far-reaching implications for our understanding of both the politicization of insider/outsider divides and the politics of welfare support.
Oxford University Press eBooks · 137 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract This chapter demonstrates that the extent to which labor market segmentation leads to economic, social and political insider-outsider divides depends on the institutional context. Based on survey and income data, it shows that both the composition, as well as the economic and social situation of insiders and outsiders varies across countries and welfare regimes. The share of outsiders is highest in liberal and continental countries, followed by the Nordic and Southern European countries. In a comparative perspective, insider-outsider divides appear to be strongest in continental Europe, with regard to all three dimensions examined: labor market inequalities, welfare inequalities and political integration. The upshot of the chapter is that policies matter: they can compensate, reproduce or even deepen insider-outsider divides.
Political Studies Review · 87 Zitationen · DOI
Reflecting the importance of inequality for individuals’ lives, the implications of labor market inequality for core elements of democracy are crucial topics in comparative politics and comparative political economy. This article critically reviews the main findings of the emerging literature on insider–outsider divides to highlight its possible contributions to adjacent fields, in particular the research on party politics, the literatures on economic voting, political participation, and democratic representation or the study of social movements. The conflict between labor market insiders and outsiders demonstrates that in today’s societies with their diversified risk structure and sophisticated welfare states, distributive conflicts are about specific social and regulatory policies that have different implications for individuals depending on their situation on the labor market. By drawing our attention to new divides within the social democratic electorate, the insider–outsider literature reveals an additional argument why the social democratic parties find it hard to mobilize their voters and to win elections. Moreover, the insider–outsider literature can help to bring the economic dimension of politics back to the study of social movements and to light on the relationship between contentious and conventional politics.
83 Zitationen
European Political Science Review · 75 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract In this paper, we investigate whether income inequality negatively affects voter turnout. Despite some progress, the answer to this question is still debated due to methodological disagreements and differences in the selection of countries and time periods. We contribute to this debate by triangulating data and methods. More specifically, we use three kinds of data to resolve the question: first, we use cross-sectional aggregate data of 21 OECD countries in the time period from 1980 to 2014 to study the relationship between inequality and electoral participation. Second, we zoom in on the German case and examine local data from 402 administrative districts between 1998 and 2017. Focusing on within-country variation eliminates differences that are linked to features of the political system. Finally, we combine survey data with macro-data to investigate the impact of inequality on individual voting. This final step also allows us to test whether the effect of income inequality on voter turnout differs across income groups. Taken together, we offer the most comprehensive analysis of the impact of social inequality on political inequality to date. We corroborate accounts that argue that economic inequality exacerbates participatory inequality.
The Journal of Politics · 73 Zitationen · DOI
Explaining social policy preferences has become a major topic in comparative politics with labor market risk as a key determinant of these preferences. However, one question continues to loom large: are preference divides blurred by mixed households, that is, secure labor market participants living with vulnerable partners? In this article, we build on the insider-outsider literature and show that while the household does matter, its mitigating effect is limited in scope and strongly conditional on gender. Women’s preferences depend on their partner’s labor market situation, while men’s preferences are unaffected by it. Overall, only a small minority of the population across Western Europe benefits from a “household safety net.” Our findings have important implications for understanding the politicization of insider-outsider divides.
West European Politics · 66 Zitationen · DOI
Given the crucial role of Green parties in modern party systems, surprisingly little is known about the impact that Green parties in governments have on distributive issues, on the spending or the revenue side of distributive politics. Providing such insights is the purpose of this study. Based on an encompassing cross-national data set of 34 countries from 1970 to 2015, this article examines the impact of Green government participation on three dimensions of distributive policy making: social consumption, social investment and taxation policies. It is found that the inclusion of Green parties in national governments leads to higher spending on social investment, while the status quo prevails regarding social consumption and taxation. Nonetheless, as procurers of centre-left majorities, Greens in government prevent retrenchment on social consumption and decreasing corporate and top marginal income taxes. This work bears relevance for the study of party politics, the reconfiguration of welfare states and the literature on coalition dynamics.
It's not the economy, stupid! Explaining the electoral success of the German right-wing populist AfD
2017Zurich Open Repository and Archive (University of Zurich) · 54 Zitationen · DOI
Right-wing populism is on the rise. Everywhere? Until recently, the resilience of the German party system to such a party has been an exception to this general trend. The establishment of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in the wake of the Eurozone crisis put an end to this German exceptionalism. This paper tests the ‘losers of modernization’-thesis, one of the most dominant explanations for right-wing populist voting, for the case of the AfD. Based on district level data from the Federal Institute for Research on Building, Urban Affairs and Spatial Development and official data on electoral outcomes, we examine whether the socio-economic characteristics of a district yield any explanatory power for the AfD’s electoral success in the federal elections of 2013 and the elections to the European Parliament in 2014. With this data, we avoid problems of representativeness and reliability of survey data with respect to socioeconomically marginalized groups and their voting behavior. Our findings suggest that the modernization thesis bears little relevance for the success of the populist right in Germany. By contrast, we find a strong correlation between the AfD’s electoral success and the success of radical right parties in previous elections in the same district. We explain this intriguing finding with a “tradition of radical right voting” and a specific political culture on which the AfD has been able to draw once the broader political and social context allowed for the creation of a right-wing populist party in Germany.
Oxford University Press eBooks · 52 Zitationen · DOI
Europe’s political landscapes are in turmoil; new radical parties challenge the established political order. This book locates Europe’s contemporary challenges within the longer economic and political trajectories of its “welfare democracies.” It argues forcefully that it is imperative to understand the specific structures of political competition and voter–party links to make sense of the political and economic turmoil of the last decades. In four distinct European welfare democracies (Nordic, continental, southern, and Anglo-Saxon), the political economy, the party system, and the structure of the political space are co-determined in a specific way. Accordingly, specific combinations of policies and politics and distinct patterns of alignment between core electoral groups and political parties exist in the four welfare democracies and shape their reactions to current challenges. With this, the book provides an analytical framework that links welfare states to party systems, combining recent contributions to the comparative political economy of the welfare state and insights from party and electoral politics. The book identifies three phenomena: in electoral politics it states a certain homogenization of European party systems, the emergence of a new combination of leftist socio-economic and rightist socio-cultural positions in many parties, and finally the rise of the radical right in the north of Europe and the radical left in the south. The contributions to this book also indicate a confluence toward renewed welfare state support among parties and voters. Finally, the Europeanization of political dynamics, combined with incompatible growth models, has created pronounced European cleavages.
Journal of European Social Policy · 39 Zitationen · DOI
Measuring the power of the political left with the ‘share of social democratic cabinet seats’ is the gold standard in the literature on partisan effects. We argue that this measure of left power suffers from conceptual ambiguity and propose an alternative approach to measure the ideological orientation of governments based on their power in cabinets and data on party positions. We see several shortcomings of the traditional measure: the social democratic cabinet share neglects the fact that parties’ ideological profiles differ across countries and have significantly changed over recent decades. Also, specific policy measures of party preferences are often more appropriate to gauge the government’s position than relying on highly aggregated left/right measures. In addition, the social democratic cabinet share does not take into account the impact of coalition partners, cabinet decision making and the possibility of minority governments relying on parliamentary support outside the cabinet on the ability of parties to implement the social policies. After discussing the reasons for the conceptual ambiguity of existing indicators for the power of the left, we present alternative measures for the ideological orientation of the government based on the composition of cabinets and different information about party positions. We demonstrate how these measures can be combined to a single indicator that takes into account both the ideological position of governing parties in a particular policy domain and their power to affect cabinet decisions. We critically discuss the availability and merits of data on party positions and cabinet compositions and provide recommendations for constructing measures in welfare state research.
Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy · 34 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract Few studies to date have analysed individual support for universal basic income (UBI). This article theorizes and explores empirically the relationship between different strands of left ideology and support for UBI across European countries. We delineate three types of concerns about capitalism: “Labourist Left” worry about exploitation ; “Libertarian Left” about repression and “Social Investment Left” about inefficiencies . Contrary to expectations we derive from political theory and welfare state literature, our results based on data from the European Social Survey suggest that having high concerns about exploitation is positively correlated with support for UBI, whereas repression concerns are negatively correlated with support. In line with our hypothesis about social investment ideology, left-leaning individuals with efficiency concerns are more likely to support UBI. Our findings call for more detailed surveys as well as further research on the different ideologies within the Left and how these relate to variation in support for UBI, which crucially shapes the potential political coalition behind the introduction of UBI.
European Journal of Industrial Relations · 26 Zitationen · DOI
Despite intense policy debate over labour market dualization, research on cross-country differences in the ‘outsider penalty’ is still in its infancy. In this article, we assess two explanations for cross-national variation in the disadvantages affecting temporary workers (‘outsiders’), measured by the chances of regular employment and risk of unemployment: their socio-economic composition and the effect of labour market institutions (employment protection regulation and the strength of unions). Our findings suggest that variation in the outsider penalty is not caused by the socio-economic composition of the outsider group, but rather by the institutional setting of a country. Outsiders are more disadvantaged in countries with strong employment protection legislation. In contrast, strong unions do not reinforce but mitigate insider/outsider divides in at least some dimensions, a finding that adds to recent research about unions’ reorientation towards mobilizing outsiders.
‘Modernize<i>and</i>Die’? German social democracy and the electoral consequences of the Agenda 2010
2016Socio-Economic Review · 23 Zitationen · DOI
We address the electoral consequences of profound welfare state reforms taking the German Agenda 2010 as an exemplary case. The Agenda is usually perceived as having developed into an electoral disaster for the German Social Democrats (SPD). In this article, we focus on the electoral reactions of directly affected labor market groups in four elections from 1998 to 2009. We combine detailed meso-level information on the regional socioeconomic structure with official elections results. Our findings indicate that the electoral effects of the reform on the group of 'Agenda losers' were limited, while the effect on the German party system and its coalition dynamics are more permanent as the reform helped to entrench a party left to the SPD in the German party system.
Identifying Outsiders Across Countries: Similarities and Differences in the Patterns of Dualisation
2009SSRN Electronic Journal · 23 Zitationen · DOI
Oxford University Press eBooks · 22 Zitationen · DOI
The Conclusion summarizes the most important findings of the book. It states a homogenization of European party systems, the emergence of a new combination of leftist socio-economic and rightist socio-cultural positions in many parties, and the rise of the radical right in the north of Europe and the radical left in the south. The contributions of this book also indicate a confluence toward renewed welfare state support among both parties and voters. Finally, center-right parties in power in continental and northern European countries, being under pressure from their rising radical right competitors, push for tougher austerity measures throughout the EU. These measures, or even just the rhetoric, further fuel the success of the radical left in the southern periphery. Hence, the Europeanization of political dynamics, combined with incompatible growth models, has created pronounced European cleavages.
Comparative European Politics · 21 Zitationen · DOI
Journal of European Social Policy · 20 Zitationen · DOI
This article contributes to the study of the demand side of welfare politics by investigating gender differences in social investment preferences systematically. Building on the different functions of social investment policies in creating, preserving, or mobilizing skills, we argue that women do not support social investment policies generally more strongly than men. Rather, women demand, in particular, policies to preserve their skills during career interruptions and help to mobilize their skills on the labour market. In a second analytical step, we examine women’s policy priorities if skill preservation and mobilization come at the expense of social compensation. We test our arguments for eight Western European countries with data from the INVEDUC survey. The confirmation of our arguments challenges a core assumption of the literatures on the social investment turn and women’s political realignment. We discuss the implication of our findings in the conclusion.
Political Science Research and Methods · 20 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract The political relevance of labor market insecurity has been questioned because (a) insider-outsider divides were considered to be a divide within the low-skilled and politically less active working class and (b) labor market insecurity runs through the middle of the household . Outsiders might therefore align their preferences with those of insiders. This contribution provides, first, evidence that labor market insecurity extends well into the higher-skilled middle class , in particular to high-skilled young adults and high-skilled women. Second, the contribution sheds light on the “household question”, that is the question whether mixed households dampen the political relevance of labor market insecurity. If labor market insecurity is concentrated in specific social groups (young adults, women) that tend to cohabit with secure insiders, the political relevance of labor market insecurity might depend on whether or not outsiders align their preferences with those of the household. In this contribution, I discuss recent work on the relevance of the household in translating labor market divides into preferences divides presenting recent work that shows that the household does not render insider-outsider divides politically irrelevant. In sum, insider-outsider divides have all the potential to become politically relevant.
Oxford University Press eBooks · 19 Zitationen · DOI
Bridging insights from comparative political economy, the study of welfare states, party politics, and electoral studies, the aim of this introductory chapter is to provide an analytical framework that locates Europe’s contemporary challenges within the longer economic and political trajectories of its “welfare democracies,” that is, by the way economies, labor markets, welfare states, and politics interact. The chapter argues that the reactions of countries to common challenges and changes are shaped by its model of welfare democracy. The chapter identifies four distinct welfare democracies and examines the systematic variation in the way political competition and voter–party links cluster across the four types. The chapter identifies the electoral dilemmas of center-left and center-right parties in a multidimensional space with volatile voter–party links, and how the strategic configuration and the rise of new challenger parties shape their responses to challenges and crises.
Politische Vierteljahresschrift · 14 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract In this article, we ask whether the presence of populist parties influences the negative effect of income inequality on voter turnout. A number of studies have shown that voter turnout is lower in unequal countries. In particular, citizens with fewer resources abstain at higher rates. Since populist parties seek to mobilize these groups, their success could lead to higher and less unequal turnout rates. To assess empirically whether this holds true, we analyzed a dataset encompassing data on 296 national parliamentary elections in 31 European countries between 1970 and 2016. The results show that there is neither a direct nor an indirect effect of populism on voter turnout. In elections with more successful populist parties, voter turnout was not significantly higher than in other elections. Higher vote shares of populist parties also do not mitigate the negative impact of income inequality on voter turnout. Finally, there does not seem to be a difference between elections with high left-wing or right-wing populist parties’ success. Neither variant of populism alters the relationship between inequality and turnout.
12 Zitationen · DOI
12 Zitationen
Draft, comments welcome A growing literature argues that politics in mature welfare states is characterized by new distributive conflicts. New risk groups are expected to advocate specific policies, which respond to their particular needs. The dualization-literature conceptualizes these risk groups in terms of insiders and outsiders, depending on their labor market vulnerability. In this paper, we test whether insiders and outsiders differ in their policy preferences. Redistribution and social investment typically target the needs of outsiders, while social insurance and performance-related incomes are more advantageous for insiders. Hence, we test whether we find insider-outsider divides with regard to preferences for these policies. In addition, we also test interaction effects with education, since high- and low-skilled outsiders have distinctive risk profiles and needs. The analysis is based on micro-level data from the ESS 2008. The results consistently confirm the expected insider-outsider divide with regard to all analyzed policy preferences (redistribution, social investment, social insurance and the respondent’s support for performance-related incomes). Further, the analysis of interaction effects with education shows that insider-outsider divides on social investment and social insurance prevail only among the medium- and high-skilled respondents, whereas attitudes on the redistribution of income differ between insiders and outsiders throughout the whole workforce. The paper provides evidence that the increasing dualization of labor markets is reflected in individual preferences and attitudes. This is an important result for studies that analyze the political mobilization of insiders and outsiders and – more generally – the implications of dualization for post-industrial welfare politics. 2
Oxford University Press eBooks · 10 Zitationen · DOI
This chapter studies the effect of changing electoral demand and party competition on parties’ family policy orientation in two continental and two southern European countries. Changes in the electoral landscapes represent a necessary but not sufficient condition that provides parties with an incentive to reform their family policy position. As the electoral relevance of the core constituency of both center-right and center-left parties is declining, both center-left and center-right parties are prompted to use progressive family policies to attract new voter groups. Yet, the chapter shows that the strategic configuration of parties influences the extent to which center-right parties modernize their family policy positions. The arguments are tested using data on attitudes toward gender roles and family policy from the European and World Values Survey and a new database on party positions on family policy in two continental and two southern European countries in the last two decades.
SSRN Electronic Journal · 10 Zitationen
This paper makes three contributions. First, it presents a new conceptualization and measurement of outsider-status, which is based on social class and which takes into account that the category of outsiders is composed differently in different countries, depending on labor markets and welfare states. Second, it argues theoretically and shows empirically that the class-based measure of insider- and outsider status has a stronger explanatory power with regard to individual-level welfare preferences than the measure based on labor market status. And third, it demonstrates empirically that dualization, combined with skill-levels shapes people’s preferences with regard to different welfare policies: Outsiders have stronger preferences for redistribution and for social investment than insiders. The analyses are based on micro-level ISSP data.
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GRK 2458: Die Dynamiken von Demographie, demokratischen Prozessen und Public Policies (DYNAMICS)
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- Prof. Dr. Hanna Schwander
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- Prof. Dr.
- Fakultät
- Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftliche Fakultät
- Institut
- Institut für Sozialwissenschaften
- Arbeitsgruppe
- Politische Soziologie und Sozialpolitik
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