Prof. Dr. Viola Schmitt
Profil
Forschungsthemen2
Die Typologie von Kumulativität
Quelle ↗Förderer: Öffentliche Förderorganisationen anderer Länder Zeitraum: 10/2020 - 01/2024 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Viola Schmitt
SFB 1412/2: Morphologische Doppelung und Registervariation (TP A10)
Quelle ↗Förderer: DFG Sonderforschungsbereich Zeitraum: 01/2024 - 12/2027 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Viola Schmitt
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Publikationen24
Top 25 nach Zitationen — Quelle: OpenAlex (BAAI/bge-m3 embedded für Matching).
Snippets · 43 Zitationen · DOI
Online publication in PDF format of academic and scientific texts in the Social sciences & Humanities: Classics, Literature, Linguistics, Philology, Philosophy, Psychology, History, Law, Economics, Statistics
Linguistic Variation Yearbook · 43 Zitationen · DOI
In this paper, we introduce what we consider to be a new problem for syntactic analysis. We show that German allows for discontinuous coordination of DPs, where material that is not part of the coordinate structure may intervene between the DP-coordinates. We further argue that discontinuous coordination of DPs differs from standard DP-coordination in one important aspect: The coordinate structure as a whole is not accessible to material c-commanded by the first coordinate in overt syntax. This difference is a non-trivial problem for any analysis of discontinuous DP-coordination. Keywords: coordinate structures; discontinuous constituents; DP-coordination; German syntax; linear order
Frontiers in Immunology · 27 Zitationen · DOI
The massive infiltration of lymphocytes into the skin is a hallmark of numerous human skin disorders. By co-culturing murine keratinocytes with splenic T cells we demonstrate here that T cells affect and control the synthesis and secretion of chemokines by keratinocytes. While pre-activated CD8<sup>+</sup>T cells induce the synthesis of CXCL9 and CXCL10 in keratinocytes and keep in check the synthesis of CXCL1, CXCL5, and CCL20, keratinocytes dampen the synthesis of CCL3 and CCL4 in pre-activated CD8<sup>+</sup>T cells. One key molecule is IFN-γ that is synthesized by CD8<sup>+</sup>T cells under the control of NFATc1 and NFATc2. CD8<sup>+</sup>T cells deficient for both NFAT factors are unable to induce CXCL9 and CXCL10 expression. In addition, CD8<sup>+</sup>T cells induced numerous type I IFN-inducible "defense genes" in keratinocytes encoding the PD1 and CD40 ligands, TNF-α and caspase-1. The enhanced expression of type I IFN-inducible genes resembles the gene expression pattern at the dermal/epidermal interface in lichen planus, an inflammatory T lymphocyte-driven skin disease, in which we detected the expression of CXCL10 in keratinocytes in close vicinity to the infiltration front of T cells. These data reflect the multifaceted interplay of lymphocytes with keratinocytes at the molecular level.
Semantics and Pragmatics · 16 Zitationen · DOI
This paper proposes an extension of the class of plural expressions, a generalized analysis of the denotations of such expressions and a novel account of how they semantically combine with other elements in the sentence. The point of departure is the observation that definite plural DPs and and-coordinations with coordinates of several semantic categories share certain features — in particular cumulativity—in the context of other plural expressions. Existing analyses of conjunction fail to derive these parallels and I propose that and-coordinations should be analyzed as denoting pluralities (of whatever kind of semantic object their conjuncts denote). This, in turn, raises the question of how pluralities combine with other material in the sentence. I show that a simple expansion of the standard analysis thereof, which puts the workload onto the predicate, is insufficient. I propose an alternative which is based on the idea that all semantic domains contain pluralities and involves plural projection. In this system, the truth-conditions of sentences containing plurality-denoting expressions are not due to the semantic expansion of the predicate (as in existing analyses), but the result of a step-by-step process: Once a plurality enters the derivation, the node immediately dominating it will also denote a plurality, namely of the values obtained by a particular combination of the plurality and the denotation of its sister. EARLY ACCESS
The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics · 13 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract English every -DPs can have cumulative readings relative to plural DPs, but only under severe syntactic constraints. This paper discusses different potential formulations of these constraints for the German correlate of every -DPs, jed -DPs. We argue that existing ‘surface-oriented’ hypotheses face empirical problems and propose a new hypothesis, namely that the availability of a cumulative reading relative to another plural X is sensitive to all positions in the derivational chain of X. We then spell out one possible semantic analysis of this pattern and sketch the consequences of this hypothesis for future empirical work.
The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition · 13 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract This chapter discusses asymmetric coordination, starting with a general discussion and then zooming in on a particular instance thereof found in German and other V2 languages. This latter construction resists a straightforward analysis in terms of subordination, yet lacks some of the symptoms of coordinate structures – namely, the requirement that movement has to happen across‐the‐board. It therefore represents an interesting data set for the investigation of the nature of the symptoms of coordinate structures, or, more precisely, the Coordinate Structure Constraint. In particular, the construction reveals that one of the defining features of coordinate structures – namely that each coordinate must be individually licensed when substituted for the whole coordination – must play a crucial role in the formulation of the latter.
Proceedings from Semantics and Linguistic Theory · 8 Zitationen · DOI
Some elements in German and English, e.g. every DPs, give rise to cumulativity asymmetries: They allow for cumulative readings only if they occur in the scope of another semantically plural expression. We present a surface-compositional and event-less analysis of this pattern, expanding Schmitt's (2017) 'plural projection' framework. In this system, any constituent containing a semantically plural subexpression denotes a set of (possibly higher-type) pluralities. Cumulativity is built into the rules implementing this 'projection' of semantic plurality.
7 Zitationen · DOI
English and coordinations and analogous constructions in other languages can apparently express a variety of meanings. This chapter explores these meanings and discusses the consequences for the semantic analysis of conjunction morphology. The focus lies on the contrast between “Boolean” and “non‐Boolean” conjunction: in some contexts, and appears to denote set intersection, but in other contexts, it doesn't. Since several other languages can be observed to be similar to English – a single conjunction form seems to fulfill two different functions – attributing the semantic behavior of English and to lexical ambiguity is not an attractive analytical option. This raises the question of which uniform meaning for and could account for the apparent dichotomy. The chapter discusses the motivation and predictions of two kinds of proposals: the “Boolean” analysis, which views the meaning of and as intersective, and the “non‐Boolean” analysis, where and is attributed a weaker meaning.
Snippets · 7 Zitationen · DOI
Online publication in PDF format of academic and scientific texts in the Social sciences & Humanities: Classics, Literature, Linguistics, Philology, Philosophy, Psychology, History, Law, Economics, Statistics
Journal of Semantics · 3 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract This paper investigates cumulative readings of sentences in which some, but not all of the plural expressions have a de dicto reading, i.e. sentences where the lower plural is interpreted in the scope of an attitude verb like believe. I argue that such cases represent a problem for existing accounts of cumulativity, because the required cumulative relation cannot be formed. I then motivate and propose an alternative analysis where all plural expressions are interpreted in situ: I expand the ‘plural projection’ framework put forth by Haslinger & Schmitt (2018, 2019), Schmitt (2019), where embedded pluralities ‘project’ to the denotations of higher nodes in the sense that the latter reflect the part-structure of the former and where cumulativity is derived via a compositional rule in a step-by-step fashion. I show that if the denotations of the plurals with the de dicto construal are analyzed as pluralities of individual concepts, which project in the afore-mentioned sense to pluralities of propositions, the data can be explained straightforwardly. This proposal differs from treatments in terms of collective belief that don’t appeal to pluralities of propositions ( Pasternak 2018a, b), in that it (i) arguably generalizes to a larger number of examples and (ii) links grammatical plurality in the embedded clause to the availability of cumulative readings.
Snippets · 3 Zitationen · DOI
Journal of Semantics · 2 Zitationen · DOI
Abstract Indicative conditionals and configurations with neg-raising predicates have been brought up as potential candidates for constructions involving world pluralities. I argue against this hypothesis, showing that cumulativity and quantifiers targeting a plurality’s part structure cannot access the presumed world pluralities. I furthermore argue that this makes worlds special in the sense that the same tests provide evidence for pluralities in various other semantic domains.
Proceedings from Semantics and Linguistic Theory · 2 Zitationen · DOI
This paper discusses the semantic status and the restrictions on complement anaphora, i.e. pronouns that are anaphorically related to quantifiers and seem to refer to the `complement set' of the latter -- the set of those individuals that are in the restrictor but not in the nuclear scope of the quantifier. Our main empirical point, motivated by data from German, is that contrary to the claims in the literature, true complement set reference is not exclusively determined by the logical properties of the quantifier but also by its the syntactic context. Based on this observation, we argue that plural quantifiers provide anaphoric antecendents by a particular inference mechanism, which is sensitive to syntactic information: We submit that speakers employ verifying strategies for sentences with plural quantifiers where a `test' discourse referent is inserted in the `syntactic slot' the plural quantifier originally occurs in. If a discourse referent, when inserted in this slot, yields truth-conditions for the resulting sentence that are equivalent to those of the original sentence, it can be used as an antecendent for anaphora.
2 Zitationen · DOI
Proceedings from Semantics and Linguistic Theory · 1 Zitationen · DOI
The interpretation of expressions in the scope of intensional operators μ is not always relativized to the quantificational domain of μ. The literature has identified several such phenomena, subsumed here under ‘non-de dicto (NDD)’- construals. Based on novel data, we argue contra most existing accounts that (i) different kinds of NDD-construals (der re and transparent construals of predicates) must be derived by the same mechanism, (ii) this mechanism should involve replace- ment of meanings of the sub-constituents of the clause embedded by the intensional operator, (iii) replacement is constrained in that different replacements cannot lead to different answers to the QUD, and (iv) NDD-construals are not grammatically individuated, i.e., they do not ‘live off’ a structure distinct from the one that yields us meanings without NDD. We then sketch a proposal that captures these properties.
Semantics and Pragmatics · 1 Zitationen · DOI
This short contribution addresses the question of whether distributivity and maximality are tied together in natural language quantification – and thus, more generally, the issue of which semantic properties are obligatorily correlated. It is well-known that quantifiers like English all require maximality but permit non-distributivity, but does the inverse case exist as well, i.e., are there distributive quantifiers that permit non-maximality? We argue that for some speakers, the German distance-distributive element jeweils does not require maximality, and contrasts in this respect with the DP-internal distributive quantifier jed- (‘every’,‘each’) and its distance-distributive counterpart. EARLY ACCESS
Movebank · 1 Zitationen · DOI
This paper addresses cumulative readings of modified-numeral DPs (MNs) like exactly two boys. Based on new German data, we argue that MNs are interpreted in situ in cumulative sentences, while the maximality condition contributed by the numeral modifier can take wider scope. We present an analysis that combines the Plural Projection system (Schmitt, 2019 a.o.), a surface-compositional approach to cumulativity, with a two-dimensional semantics for the numeral modifiers (Krifka, 1999 a.o.) and derives widest scope for the maximality condition. We then discuss ‘non-maximal’ readings of MNs (Buccola and Spector, 2016). We show that the availability of such readings depends on the syntactic positions of the MNs, which supports the idea that they are interpreted in situ, and sketch a way of deriving this fact.
A unified semantics for distributive and non-distributive universal quantifiers across languages
2025Natural Language & Linguistic Theory · DOI
Universal quantifiers differ in whether they are restricted to distributive interpretations, like English <i>every</i>, or permit non-distributive interpretations, like English <i>all</i>. This interpretational difference is traditionally captured by positing two unrelated lexical entries for distributive and non-distributive quantification. But this lexical approach does not explain why distributivity correlates with number: cross-linguistically, distributive universal quantifiers typically take singular complements, while non-distributive quantifiers consistently take plural complements. We derive this correlation by proposing a single lexical meaning for the universal quantifier, which derives a non-distributive interpretation if the restrictor predicate is closed under sum, but a distributive interpretation if it is quantized. Support comes from languages in which the same lexical item expresses distributive or non-distributive quantification depending on the number of the complement. For languages like English that have different expressions for non-distributive and distributive quantification, we propose that the distributive forms contain an additional morphosyntactic element that is semantically restricted to combine with a predicate of atomic individuals. This is motivated by the fact that in several languages, the distributive form is structurally more complex than the non-distributive form and sometimes even contains it transparently. We further show that in such languages, there are empirical advantages to taking the choice between distributive and non-distributive quantifier forms to be driven by semantic properties of the restrictor predicate, rather than morphosyntactic number.
Linguistics Vanguard · DOI
We discuss German examples where counterfactuals restricting an epistemic modal are embedded under <i>glauben</i> 'believe'. Such sentences raise a puzzle for the analysis of counterfactuals, modals, and belief attributions within possible-worlds semantics. Their truth conditions suggest that the modal's domain is determined exclusively by the subject's belief state, but evaluating the counterfactual separately at each of the subject's doxastic alternatives does not yield the correct quantificational domain: the domain ends up being determined by the facts of each particular world, which include propositions the subject does not believe. We therefore revise the semantics of counterfactuals: counterfactuals still rely on an ordering among worlds that can be derived from a premise set (Kratzer, Angelika. 1978. <i>Semantik der Rede: Kontexttheorie - Modalwörter - Konditionalsätze</i> (Monographien Linguistik und Kommunikationswissenschaft 38). Königstein: Scriptor, 2012 [1981]a. The notional category of modality. In <i>Modals and conditionals</i> (Oxford studies in theoretical linguistics 36), 27-69. Oxford: Oxford University Press), but rather than uniquely characterizing a world, this premise set can be compatible with multiple worlds. In belief contexts, the attitude subject's belief state as a whole determines the relevant ordering. This, in turn, motivates a revision of the semantics of <i>believe</i>: following Yalcin's work on epistemic modals (Yalcin, Seth. 2007. Epistemic modals. <i>Mind</i> 116. 983-1026), we submit that evaluation indices are complex, consisting of a world and an ordering among worlds. Counterfactuals are sensitive to the ordering component of an index. Attitude verbs shift both components, relativizing the ordering to the attitude subject.
OSF Preprints (OSF Preprints) · DOI
Indefinites in the complement clause of believe may participate in cumulative relations with a plural attitude subject, even under an intensional reading (Schmitt 2020; see also Pasternak 2018). Schmitt (2020) provides a compositional semantics for such constructions, where indefinites introduce pluralities of partial individual concepts. Crucially, however, such pluralities can only be formed if, intuitively, the concepts are ‘distinct enough’ (Haslinger and Schmitt to appear). We here implement this ‘distinctness constraint’ compositionally, combining Schmitt’s (2020) ideas with a new proposal concerning the semantics of plural indefinites: We argue that the latter introduce a distinctness requirement that appeals to the attitude subjects’ counterfactual beliefs – a requirement that is visible in cumulative belief sentences, but is trivialized (and thus unnoticeable) in extensional contexts. To compose our new DP-denotations with other material in the sentence, we use a version of Yalcin’s (2007) ‘domain semantics’.
Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung
German wissen (‘know’) can embed both finite clauses (‘wissen-FIN’) as well as infinitives (‘wissen-INF’). Based on novel empirical observations, we argue that wissen-INF cannot be reduced to the standard analysis of wissen-FIN, i.e. that wissen with infinitival complements does not involve a propositional attitude. As cross-linguistic evidence suggests that German wissen is not ambiguous, it follows that wissen-FIN cannot denote a propositional attitude, either. Accordingly, we require a new, uniform meaning for wissen. We derive this meaning by first considering wissen-INF, arguing that it combines semantic properties of ability modals with semantic properties of implicative verbs and enough to-constructions. We then show that these properties can also be used to characterize wissen-FIN, as long as certain nonstandard assumptions are made about the denotation of the complement. This gives us a new, unified analysis of wissen and also helps to explain some properties of this verb (with both kinds of complements) that traditional analyses cannot account for.
MPG.PuRe (Max Planck Society)
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Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research) · DOI
A single abstract from the DHd-2015 Book of Abstracts.
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SFB 1412/2: Morphologische Doppelung und Registervariation (TP A10)
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Stammdaten
Identität, Organisation und Kontakt aus HU-FIS.
- Name
- Prof. Dr. Viola Schmitt
- Titel
- Prof. Dr.
- Fakultät
- Sprach- und literaturwissenschaftliche Fakultät
- Institut
- Institut für deutsche Sprache und Linguistik
- Arbeitsgruppe
- Allgemeine und germanistische Sprachwissenschaft: Semantik und Pragmatik (J)
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- +49 30 2093
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- 26.4.2026, 01:12:04