Prof. Dr. Claudia Derichs

Prof. Derichs erforscht transregionale politische, soziale und kulturelle Verflechtungsprozesse mit Schwerpunkt auf Asien, insbesondere Japan und China. Ihre aktuelle Arbeit untersucht, wie lokale Akteure und Gemeinschaften in globale Prozesse wie Chinas Belt-and-Road-Initiative eingebunden sind oder sich davon abkoppeln — ein Verständnis, das Unternehmen und Behörden bei der Analyse von Marktdynamiken, geopolitischen Risiken und lokalen Widerständen in Schwellenländern unterstützen kann. Sie kombiniert dabei historische Tiefenanalyse mit vergleichender Politikwissenschaft und untersucht auch Fragen von Geschlecht, Migration und Professionalisierung in transnationalen Kontexten. Ihre Methoden verbinden Archivforschung, qualitative Feldforschung und diskursanalytische Verfahren.

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• Wege zur Professionalisierung von muslimischen Frauen in Asien: Rekonfigurationen von religiösem Wissen, Geschlecht und Konnektivität

  Quelle ↗

  Förderer: DFG Sachbeihilfe Zeitraum: 08/2020 - 04/2024 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Claudia Derichs

• co2libri - Conceptual Collaboration: Living Borderless Research Interaction

  Quelle ↗

  Förderer: Berlin University Alliance (BUA) Zeitraum: 09/2020 - 12/2021 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Claudia Derichs

• ESB: EGP Caglayan: Gender, Language, Inclusion and Empowerment German Learning Experiences of Recent Immigrant Women

  Quelle ↗

  Förderer: Einstein Guest Researcher (Wissenschaftsfreiheit) Zeitraum: 10/2020 - 03/2023 Projektleitung: Prof. Dr. Claudia Derichs

• Gendering moral capital: Morality as a political asset and strategy of top female politicians in Asia

  2006

  Critical Asian Studies · DOI

  Abstract In contrast to social capital, moral capital remains an under-researched topic in political science. In Asia, however, moral capital is one of the core assets of women politicians on their way to power. Kane defines moral capital as a specific political value of virtue that inclines others, in particular the political public and followers, to bestow (ethical) prestige, respect, loyalty, and authority on a political actor or the representative of an institution that the actor herself/himself can use as a resource to mobilize for political goals, activities, or support. This article addresses two questions. First, in which circumstances does moral capital become a significant asset for women on the rise to the top echelons of political power in Asia? Second, how do women politicians use moral capital as a political strategy, campaign instrument, and/or asset of public imaging? The authors discuss four case studies of female opposition politicians — Burma's Aung San Suu Kyi, Malaysia's Wan Azizah, South Korea's Park Geun-hye, and Japan's Tanaka Makiko — in three types of political systems: democratic, semi-authoritarian, and authoritarian. All four women are descendants of political dynasties and each of them used moral capital to reach top political offices in their countries. But significant differences emerge regarding the importance of moral capital as a prime asset in the development of each of their political careers. These differences originate from (a) the power configurations in the political context in which each woman operates, and (b) the legacies of their fathers or husbands.

• Women's Movements and Countermovements: The Quest for Gender Equality in Southeast Asia and the Middle East

  2014

  The relationship between social movements and their countermovements is an underrepresented research topic, given the bulk of social movement studies that have been published to date. Moreover, empirical research on this topic primarily covers certain geographic areas of the world, specifically what is commonly called the global North. The mobilization of religious and women's movements against social change, which strive for a preservation of the status quo and can be held responsible for a delayed expansion of reform-oriented interest articulation, is a rare topic of social movement literature, too. The authors of this volume address the issue of women's movements and countermovements in countries of Southeast Asia and the North African part of the MENA region. They arrive at interesting constellations of coalition and competition between state and non-state actors, and religious and secular movements, as well as within women's movements. Covering case studies from Egypt, Indonesia, Malaysia, Morocco and Tunisia, the pattern of Islamist movements countering the goals of (Muslim) women's movements emerges as dominant.